

By: Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés
January 3, 2017
Good evening everyone. We just want to say that this is going to take a while, so now is the moment to leave or take a nap.
So first of all, just like the compañera said who spoke here about Viejo Antonio [Old Antonio], the name says it all, Viejo Antonio. [1] His time is over. There are some things we might be able to recover from that moment, but now times have changed.
We Zapatistas want to tell you that truly, seriously, we want to learn what real science is. Not the kind that Viejo Antonio employed, which was useful in its time, a time now past. Now it’s different because life now is different. We want to talk to you about what it’s like for the compañeras and compañeros who are here as a commission of delegates, what they’ve confronted through their struggle in resistance, and the fact that even though they’d like to live the way their fathers and mothers did, it doesn’t work for them anymore.
For example, in the Lacandón Jungle when they plant their corn, they know that in three months the kernels should grow, but now the kernels come in earlier. In the highlands, near Oventik, the Caracol of Oventik, it used to be that in six months there would be kernels, and now it happens in five. This makes it difficult because before they knew when to plant. They knew when to start, using the old method like Viejo Antonio did, but now that has changed. How did it change, and who changed it? That’s where all this interest comes from. And just like with everything else, we’re not making things up, as Sup Galeano has said these past few days. Because Viejo Antonio did in fact know when the cold would come, when to go get firewood, charcoal, how to be prepared, but this method doesn’t work anymore.
That’s why we started to wonder who could explain this to us, and we’d heard people say that there are scientists, and we wondered what kind of work they do. Could they assist us? Because they say these people study in order to be able to explain, to be able to understand, and then to be able to explain to others if something can be done and what can be done.
Our compañeros and compañeras need these kinds of things, because it turns out that in their 23 years of autonomous governance, many needs have arisen, needs that can no longer be addressed the way Viejo Antonio used to. He was resisting and surviving, but that way doesn’t work anymore. The compañeros and compañeras are constructing something else, and they’re putting it into practice. When they engage in these practices, that’s when they start to discover what’s missing.
For example, so that you understand what I’m saying, among the compañeras who are Zapatista bases of support entered the struggle 33 years ago, none of them dreamed that their daughter or son would learn how to operate an ultrasound. Now it turns out that their daughter operates one, because many compañeras do. It’s mostly compañeras because they’re the ones who want to see how the baby is doing while it’s growing, that’s why it’s mostly compañeras who do this.
I’m going to tell you about a need and a lack we have encountered, because it was a lack as well as an error, a failure, which we recognize as such. Because the compañeras, compañero, well they’re reclaiming the good parts of the culture and leaving behind the bad parts.
So there are promotores [health care workers], as well as midwives, both men and women, in the communities. In one community a compa went to the midwife and the midwife checked the compañera and told her: it seems you’re going to have twins, compañera. And the compa was happy about the twins, but he knew that in the clinic, in the Autonomous Hospital, there’s an ultrasound, and the compa wanted to be sure that they were really going to have twins. So they went to the hospital and had the photograph taken, I’m not sure what you call it. But first the compa says to the compañera who knows how to operate the ultrasound, “the midwife told me it looks like it’s twins, so I want to check using the machine to see if it’s true, no?” And so they check and take the photo or whatever it’s called and the compañera tells him, “Yes, it’s twins.” So then the compa is even happier.
So then when it was time for the twins to be born, they went to the government hospital because there was trouble with the birth because the compañera was having a lot of pain. So as an emergency they went to a government hospital in Guadalupe Tepeyac, and they attended to her there and gave her a Cesarian. So the compa goes to see his two twins, right? And it turns out there’s just one. So the compañero says, “No, I know that they were twins,” and starts to argue with the hospital director. “No, I know that they’re twins. You’re trying to steal one from me.”
The director says, “No sir, no Zapatista, there’s only one. Let’s not argue here, let’s go to your wife because she saw everything.” So the director and the compa go to the wife and the compa says, “Why are you letting the hospital directors steal one of our babies?” And the compañera says, “No, there really was only one.”
“But how? If the compañera who did the ultrasound told us it was definitely twins and the midwife also told us it was definitely twins?”
So there they are with the compañera saying that there was definitely only one and the compa is saying it has to be two because that’s what the midwife and the health promotora said and the people from the hospital are saying it’s definitely only one.
So then they have to bring in the compañera who did the ultrasound in the Zapatista hospital clinic. The compañera arrives, so there are four different people there now: the compa, the compañera who had the cesarian, the compañera who did the ultrasound, and the directors of the hospital. And they start talking there, and the attending doctor starts explaining that it depends on how the image is taken for the ultrasound, and the compañera who did the work of the ultrasound says, “yes, we did in fact take it from the side.” So then the doctor says, “That’s what happened, because of the reflection it seemed like there were two, because the image wasn’t taken the way it should have been.” Then the compa, the father of the baby, starts to understand that there was a mistake, an error in the way the work was done by the Zapatista health promotora.
So that’s where we learn that we can’t say, this is fucking capitalism’s fault, because this wasn’t about capitalism; we were lacking science. That’s why a failure isn’t just about saying they don’t know, or the people from the hospital robbed us because it’s run by the bad government. We can’t say these things. We recognize that we were lacking something, that we were lacking something as Zapatistas. It’s not that we’re autonomous and that therefore we can’t fail. We failed at science.
So there are a lot of other things like that, and Viejo Antonio didn’t have the opportunity to learn them because his time has passed. But thanks to Viejo Antonio who had a form of resistance and rebellion, [our people] were able to survive at that time.
So for example, the person speaking to you, whose name is Moisés—this Moisés has changed three times. Because if the Moisés in his community was still in his community he wouldn’t be here talking with you, right? And what would this Moisés be like if he was still in his community? Who knows. Not even Moisés himself knows.
Okay. But then that Moisés that was, is no longer. Then Moisés entered into the clandestine organization, so that Moisés changed again. He was no longer the same Moisés in clandestinity that he had been in his community. Then Moisés went out, learned, and we’re not going to repeat everything here, but he learned the science that we applied in 94. And now after 23 years, the Moisés who was in clandestinity is not the same Moisés who has been in the public light for 23 years because of what he and his compañeros and compañeras did. Right?
So the Moisés of right now, today, January 3, 2017—this Moisés now sees other things. This Moisés sees many things, not what he saw before during the 10 years of clandestinity; things have changed. But we have to study this change scientifically, with science, for the good of the people, in order to love life even more.
So what are we going to do when we realize, with science and scientifically, that something’s not right? What good is it just to say that something’s wrong and then just leave it at that?
So that’s what’s happening to our compañeros and compañeras: they run into these needs, they need this [knowledge] not for the good of a few, but for thousands, or perhaps the millions of us in this country called Mexico. And perhaps this could take wing and fly off to another world, no?
Because today, 23 years later, there are many things the compañeros are putting into practice, and they run into these needs. They need theory and they need practice. We indigenous people do things in practice. That is, it is through practice that we are convinced of something. And when that happens, then we do not tire when we hear the theory. But if it’s all blah, blah, blah, well we get sleepy. But if it’s through practice, then yes, we become focused because we’re seeing how things move and how they work. If we like what we see and think that something will solve many of our needs, then our eyes become sharper than an eagle’s.
So when we engage in practice and see that yes, something does in fact solve our needs, then we begin to ask: if I do it like this could it turn out like that? And if I do it like this what will happen? Could it be that someone could teach us even more? Could they tell us even more about how to do it? Then in that caswe we need theory, because we were encouraged by what we saw, because we saw that it solved our needs or problems when we saw it in practice.
There is the problem that sometimes it’s really hard for us to present the theory, but we can do it in practice. Perhaps it’s possible to see if there’s an image or something to help understand how things are in practice. Take for example this instance I’m about to tell you about, which our compañeros and compañeras have basically obligated me to keep in my head.
These men and women have their autonomous government, and they’re struggling and struggling for it to be half and half. If there are 40 members of the Junta de Buen Gobierno [Good Government Council], it should be 20 women and 20 men, and if there are 20 members of the Zapatista Autonomous Municipalities in Rebellion, it should be 10 women and 10 men, and so on.
So they do their work according to what they’ve understood of the 7 Principles of Leading by Obeying. They make the word Democracy their own, which means that the people lead and the government obeys. Men and women discuss their own laws, they develop education in the way they think boys and girls should learn, and what the education promotores should learn, according to what their communities need.
So in what some might call primary school, and other Caracoles might call first level, but in any case the compañeros, compañeras, the fathers, the mothers, say: what we want is for our children to learn to read well, to know how to write papacito and mamacita. And they’ve seen how the young people have learned a shitload like that. It’s the same in the area of health too; there are many areas of work like that. There is the work with medicinal plants which continues, and the compas have detected various needs there, because they want to know, they say for example: when the plant is green, or the husk or the root, what substance does it contain? What about when it dries, does it preserve or lose that substance? But that’s where we realize we have our limits, because for that we need science to do a study in a laboratory, and many other things like that.
They have their community radios, and sometimes certain pieces of the machines burn out, so they want to know how to fix that. The other communities want to listen to what is being produced and transmitted, so they want to make the signal reach them, but the signal doesn’t reach. So the radio broadcasters ask, might there be a way to invent something so [the signal] is stronger, so it reaches further?
But their fathers and mothers had never dreamed of this. Moisés in clandestinity had never thought of it. Things changed, and now it turns out that these young men and women—because we’re working with the compañeros—they tell us that this thing or that thing is lacking, and so now Moisés can no longer say… because it’s easy to order people around, to say enough, shut up, go back to work, go check on your cornfield, go… no? But we understand there are needs. So that’s why I’m saying that Moisés isn’t the same as he was in clandestinity, not after 23 years with the communities, with their autonomous government.
Well, for more than a year now we’ve been talking about the capitalist hydra, the monster, along with our compañeros and compañeras in the communities. And this is truly what we’re seeing, it’s like it reared its head when we mentioned it. So the compañeros and compañeras in the communities say that the way we’ll resist is that we must have food and we must have medicine, we need these things to be able to confront this. So that’s where they begin to think seriously about how to make this happen with land that doesn’t produce anymore, no matter how much we work and work and work it, it doesn’t produce anymore. So they’ve heard people talk about boron, magnesium, sulphur, molyb…molybdenum, or something like that, or zinc, or the pH…but they only know that people say that these are things that can help the earth. But how can we know, even if I grab a piece of earth, how can I know what it needs?
So, the compañeros ask: who are the people who study this? Who are the people that say this? This need starts emerging from various places, the desire to learn, to study the earth without harming it.
So, among many other things that they do, the compañeros are identifying needs, seeking [answers]. Before all this, before these needs began to develop more, there were other compañeros who were seeing other needs emerge around how to construct autonomy. For example, a group of compañeros saw that a lot of gasoline was being wasted to generate electricity in the Caracol. So they began to wonder, why does the gasoline make the motor turn and then produce electricity, energy? They said, that just means there has to be a way to turn the motor. So why don’t we adapt, find a different way to start the motor? Like in the case of the water mill, where they grind the sugar cane. It has a water canal and wheels and containers where the water flows into, and that makes the mill turn. So we should look for a way to adapt the motor, or the generator. And they did it, but it was very slow, and they couldn’t get past that point because they didn’t know how to multiply the force… I’m not even sure how you say it. So, where are the people who know the science of how to do this? Because then we wouldn’t need petroleum to be able to make gas, or oil, but rather we could make use of nature itself for this. Well, at least for one part, because the pieces of the motor are metal and plastic and all those things.
So the compañeros and compañeras really want to learn new things, whenever they can find someone to teach them. But…it’s not like it was before for the young men and women, like in the days of Viejo Antonio. They’re not going to just let things be if their question isn’t answered. They won’t be satisfied if they don’t get the right answer to their question, and worse so if you try to tell them otherwise.
For example, at the end of the Little School in 2013-2014, we had an Assembly to evaluate it. There it came out that one of the students had been saying how great it is that we’re indigenous, that we should never lose our indigenous identity, and therefore… but then that we’re no longer truly indigenous because we wear shoes, that we should stop wearing shoes. We have to touch [the earth] with our skin, with the soles of our feet, that’s how we’ll keep being indigenous. And in the Assembly people were saying that person who said that, we should call him in the rainy season, when there’s lots of mud and sometimes your feet sink 50 or 80 centimeters, and you don’t realize there’s glass or sharp rocks underneath. Let’s see him walk there then. Then they said, and we work in the brush, we’re going to ask him to please take his clothes off and work there naked, let’s see what he thinks then.
I’m telling you this because they don’t let buy this anymore; when these young people are able to understand that what’s being said isn’t going to resolve their needs, they simply say: let’s see, you do it first and then we’ll see.
So this all means—and it has to do with you, brothers, compañeros, compañeras, sisters—as has been said here, as you’re seeing, if you see and understand that things are really rough, well then there’s much work to be done. First, what is it that needs to be done, among you who study science, scientific matters, what needs to be done? And furthermore, the compañeros and compañeras have questions, and they need you to answer them, and answer them scientifically, right? Then there’s also the fact that they want to learn, they want practice. That’s another thing, because that’s the only way the compañeros and compañeras will feel that they are being taught, through practice as to how they might possibly resolve the issues that come up, or things that they need. The only thing is that we have to be careful that it’s not a deceitful trick, that’s what they don’t want. They want to see the results of what they’re told.
In that regard, according to what we’re hearing, although it’s not over yet, we see and feel that with this practice we’re engaging in now we’re making twice the effort. Because for example: I’ve heard you here while you’re participating as scientists—you’re speaking among yourselves, as scientists. And the idea was for you to speak to the compañeras and compañeros. So the compañeros are asking, what are they saying? Because you’re speaking from one scientist to another. And then the delegates try to speak with the participants, but you’re all listening and maybe wanting to debate what another participant is saying, and we’re missing something.
So what we see is that it would be helpful to have another gathering in which you speak to one another, scientists to scientists. You would speak to one another and we want to see how you discuss; we want to hear, in the end, how you reach agreements like in the communities. In the communities, among the peoples, they get into it and then they say, okay, we’re going to let it go because we have an agreement. That’s what they do. So we want to learn, because if not, how are we going to learn how to be scientists?
What we are doing here, which I’ve already told you about, is something of a science. This new government system that the compañeros have, it’s small, but the compañeros are putting science to work in this act, and because of it, this small act, they’ve brought us together here. That is why we’re talking here today, thanks to the science of self-government, thanks to the compañeros.
So I don’t know how you all will see it, maybe it seems like a long time away to plan for you to come in December, in order to have this meeting where we can see how you debate among yourselves, to see what agreements arise about what to do or how to do it. Also, if you are able, either collectively or individually, we could somehow reach an agreement for you to come here, go to a Caracol, set up your workshop… the only thing is that if you need a laboratory that includes more than an axe and a machete…well, we don’t have laboratories, but if you can bring it you’re welcome to. And there will be no lack of pozolito. [2] It might be sour, but there will be plenty. There will be beans, vegetables, and no lack of students with the desire to learn. Above all, to learn in practice, like I told you.
So, this is the problem we’re presenting to you, wondering how you might help the compañeros who need not just medicine and land, but many other things that you’ll see when you come, when you go to the Caracol or Caracoles. There you’ll hear a lot of, “listen, how can we do this, or that, or this other thing.” And you’ll say, “thing is, I’m not a technician, I’m not an engineer, I’m a scientist.” Like there are so many things the compas need right now.
So now you have some months to think about it, and then you can send us your word, your thoughts and your plans so that we can see the fruit of what we’re doing here. Then we can also reach an agreement about the next gathering in December. And we’ll see about where, or we’ll ask our compañero here, the Doc, if it can be here, or we’ll think about where else it could be. That’s what we wanted to talk about with you, compañeros, brothers and sisters. Thank you very much.
[1] Viejo Antonio is a character in the early writings of the defunct Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos who plays the role of indigenous teacher and guide for the young insurgent during the early days of clandestine organization.
[2] A drink made of ground corn and water.
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En español: http://enlacezapatista.ezln.org.mx/2017/01/18/que-sigue-i-antes-y-ahora/

February 2017
The Storm on Our Path
For us, the Native Zapatista peoples, the storm, the war, have gone on for centuries. It came to our lands with the fictitious accounts of the dominant civilization and religion. In that time, the sword and the cross both bled our people dry.
With the passage of time, the sword was modernized and the religion of capital dethroned the cross, but it continued demanding our blood as an offering to the new god: money.
We resist, we always resist. Our rebellions were supplanted in the dispute between some against others for Power. Both, always above, demanded of us struggling and dying to serve them, they demanded obedience from us, and submission under the lie of liberating us. Like those who said and say to fight, they came and they come to command. Thus there were supposed independences and false revolutions, past and the future. Those above took turns and take turns, ever since, to govern poorly or to aspire to do it. And in past and present calendars, their proposal continues being the same: that we will give the blood; while they govern or simulate governing.
And before and now, they forget that we don’t forget.
And the woman is always below, yesterday and today. Even in the collective that we were and are.
But the calendars not only brought pain and death to our peoples. Upon expanding their dominion, the Power created new brotherhoods in misfortune. We then saw the worker and the campesino become one with our pain, and lie under the four wheels of Capital’s mortal wagon.
As the Power advanced in its passage through time, more and more grew below, expanding the base over which the Power is the Power. We then saw teachers, students, artisans, small businesses and professionals, etcetera added on, with different names but identical regrets.
It wasn’t enough. Power is an exclusive, discriminatory and select space. Differences were also openly persecuted then. Color, race, creed, sexual preference, were expelled from the paradise promised, being that that their permanent home was in hell.
Youth, childhood and old age were next. The Power thus converted the calendars into a matter of persecution. Everyone below is guilty: for being ma woman, for being a child, for being young, for being an adult, for being old and for being human.
But, by expanding exploitation, dispossession, repression and discrimination, the Power also expanded the resistances… and rebellions.
We saw then, and now, the view of many rising up, different but similar in their rage and insubordination.
The Power knows that it’s just about those who work. It needs them.
It responded and responds to each rebellion by buying or deceiving the least, incarcerating and murdering the most. It doesn’t fear their demands; it’s their example that causes it horror.
It wasn’t enough. In the dominating nations, the Power of Capital wanted to put all of humanity under its heavy yoke.
It wasn’t enough either. Capital now intends to manage nature, tame it, domesticate it and exploit it; in other words, to destroy it.
Always with war, in its destructive advance the Capital, the Power, first demolished fiefdoms and kingdoms. And nations rose up over their ruins.
Later it devastated nations, and over their shambles it erected the new world order: a big market.
The entire world became an immense warehouse for merchandise. Everything is bought and sold: water, wind, land, plants and animals, governments, knowledge, fun, desire, love, hate and people.
But not only merchandise is exchanged in the grand market of Capital. “Economic freedom” is only an illusion that simulates mutual agreement between those who sell and those who buy. In reality, the market is based on dispossession and exploitation. The exchange is then of impunities. Justice is transformed into a grotesque caricature and on its scale money always weighs more than truth. And the stability of that tragedy called Capitalism depends on repression and contempt.
But that’s not enough either. Dominating in the material world is not possible if one does not dominate in ideas. The imposition of religions deepened and reached the arts and sciences. Philosophies and beliefs emerged and emerge like clothing styles. The arts and sciences stopped being what is distinctive about being human and became a shelf of the global supermarket. Knowledge became private property, the same as recreation and pleasure.
Capital thus consolidated itself as a giant shredder, using not only all of humanity as raw material for commodity production, but also knowledge, art, and…nature.
The destruction of the planet, the millions of displaced, the rise in crime, unemployment, poverty, the weakness of governments and the wars to come are not products of the excesses of Capital, or of a mistaken detour of a system that promised order, progress, peace, and prosperity.
No, all of these tragedies are the essence of the system. It feeds on them; it grows at their cost.
Destruction and death are the fuel for the great machine of Capital.
Attempts to “rationalize” or “humanize” its functioning were, are, and will be futile. Irrationality and inhumanity are its key parts. There is no possible repair. There wasn’t before, and there is no way now to mitigate its criminal path.
The only way to stop the machine is to destroy it.
In the current world war, the dispute is between the system and humanity. That is why the anticapitalist struggle is a struggle for humanity.
Those who still try to “fix” or “save” the system are really proposing a mass global suicide, like a posthumous sacrifice to Power.
But, there is no solution in the system.
Neither the horror, the condemnation, nor resignation are enough; nor is the hope that the worst has passed and things can only get better.
No. What is certain is that things will get worse.
For these reasons, in addition to what each of us can add from our particular calendars and geographies, we must resist, rebel, say “no,” one must struggle, one must organize.
That is why we must raise the wind from below with resistance and rebellion, with organization.
Only then will we be able to survive. Only then will it be possible to live. And only then, as we said 25 years ago, will we be able to see that…. “When the storm calms, when the rain and fire leave the earth in peace once again, the world will no longer be the world, but something better.”
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The War and the Walls Outside and Inside
Provoked by the greed of big money, the intention above is to make those suffering the current nightmare pay for it. Borders are no longer just lines drawn on maps and customs checkpoints, but walls of armies and police, of cement and brick, of laws and persecution. In the world above, the hunting of human beings increases and is celebrated with clandestine competitions: whoever expels, incarcerates, confines, and murders the most wins.
As we have been saying for more than 20 years, neoliberal globalization did not bring about a global village, but rather the fragmentation and dissolution of the so-called “Nation-States.” Then and now we called this process by the name that best describes it: “world war” (the fourth, according to us).
The only thing that was globalized was the market, and with it, war.
For those who operate the machines and bring the land to life, borders continue to exist and continue to be what they always have been: prisons.
Two decades ago, our assertion of this reality provoked mocking smiles from the international intelligentsia, tied to its old and expired dogmas.
Those same people today stutter in the face of a frantic reality, or they recommend old recipes, or they move on to a currently trendy idea that, through complex theoretical elaboration, hides the only truth at hand: they haven’t the slightest idea what is happening, nor what is coming, nor what brought on the current nightmare.
They lament this. The thinking from above had promised them a world without borders, and the result was instead a planet crammed with chauvinist trenches.
The world was not transformed into a gigantic metropolis without borders, but rather a great sea writhing in an unprecedented storm. In that sea, millions of displaced (who are grouped together by the media paintbrush as “migrants”) flail in small boats, waiting to be rescued by the gigantic ship of big Capital.
Not only will it not rescue them, but big Capital is the principal cause of the storm that threatens the existence of humanity in its entirety.
Under the awkward disguise of fascist nationalism, the most retrograde dark times return, claiming privileges and attentions. Tired of governing from the shadows, big Capital dismantles the lies of “citizenship” and “equality” before the law and the market.
The flag of “freedom, equality, and fraternity” with which capitalism adorned its conversion into the dominant world system is merely a dirty rag, tossed in the garbage bin of history from above.
Finally the system unmasks itself and shows its true face and vocation. “War Always, War Everywhere,” reads the name on the proud ship that navigates through a sea of blood and shit. It is money and not artificial intelligence that fights humanity in the decisive battle: that of survival.
No one is safe. Not the naive national capitalist who dreamed of the bonanza that was offered by open global markets, nor the conservative middle class surviving between the dream of being powerful and the reality of being the flock for the shepherd in turn.
Then there are the working classes of the city and countryside who increasingly find themselves in even more difficult conditions, if that were possible.
And, to round out the apocalyptic image, the millions of displaced and migrants piling up at the borders that have suddenly become as real as the walls that governments and criminals raise with every step.
In the global geography of the mass media and the social networks, the displaced, nomadic ghosts without name or face, are merely a statistic that identifies their location.
The calendar? Just one day after the promise of the end of history, of the solemn declaration of the supremacy of a system that was to have guaranteed wellbeing to those who worked for it, of victory over the “communist enemy” who sought to restrict freedom, impose dictatorships and create poverty, of the promised eternity that would annul all genealogies. The same calendar that announced just yesterday that world history was only getting started. And it turns out that no, it was all nothing more than a prelude to the most frightening nightmare.
Capitalism as a world system is collapsing, and the great captains, now desperate, can no longer figure out where to go. That’s why they are withdrawing into the lairs from which they came.
They offer the impossible: local salvation against global catastrophe. And this rubbish sells well among a middle class that is blurring into those from below in terms of its income, but which aspires to make up for its unmet economic needs with authentications of race, creed, color and sex. Salvation from above is Anglo-Saxon, white, religious, and masculine.
Now, those who lived on the crumbs that fell from the tables of big capital watch desperately as walls are erected against them, too. And the worst part is that they intend to head the opposition to this warlike policy. Here we see the intellectual right making contrary gestures and attempting timid and ridiculous protests. Because, no: globalization was not the triumph of freedom. It was and is the current age of tyranny and slavery.
Nations are not Nations anymore, although their respective governments might not have noticed it yet. Their flags and emblems are threadbare and discolored. Destroyed by globalization from above, sick with the parasite of Capital and with corruption as their only sign of identity, the national governments try with inept haste to protect themselves and attempt the impossible reconstruction of what they once were.
In the airtight compartments created by their walls and customs checkpoints, the system drugs the middle sectors of society with the opium of a reactionary, nostalgic nationalism, with xenophobia, racism, sexism, and homophobia as a plan for salvation.
Borders multiply within every territory. Not just the ones that are drawn on maps; also, and above all, the ones that are erected by corruption and crime turned into government. The postmodern bonanza was nothing but a balloon inflated by finance capital. And then reality came to pop it: millions of people displaced by the great war fill the land and waterways, they pile up in customs and begin making cracks in the walls already raised and the ones still to be built. Encouraged before by big Capital, fundamentalisms find fertile ground for their proposals for unification: “from terror will be born a single way of thinking: ours.” After being nourished with dollars, the beast that is terrorism threatens the house of its creator.
It’s the same thing in the United States as in Western Europe or neo-czarist Russian; the beast writhes and tries to protect itself. It extols then (and not only then) the crudest stupidity and ignorance, and synthesizes its proposal in its government figureheads: “Let’s go back to the past.”
But no, America will not be great again. Never again! Nor will the whole system in its entirety. It doesn’t matter what those above do. The system has already arrived at the point of no return.
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Against Capital and its Walls: All the Cracks
The international offensive of Capital against racial and national differences, in promoting the construction of cultural and legal walls as well as those of cement and steel, seeks to shrink the planet even further. In this way they are trying to create a world where the only ones who fit are those above who are alike.
It may sound ridiculous, but this is how it is: to face the storm, the system is not looking for roofs to protect itself, but rather walls behind which to hide.
This new period of Capital’s war against Humanity must be faced, yes, with organized resistance and rebellion, but also with solidarity and support for those whose lives, freedoms, and property are being attacked.
Therefore:
Considering that the system is incapable of stopping the destruction,
Considering that below and to the left there must be no room for conformity and resignation,
Considering that it’s time to organize to struggle and to say “NO” to the nightmare they impose on us from above,
THE SIXTH COMMISSION OF THE EZLN AND THE ZAPATISTA BASES OF SUPPORT CONVOKE:
With the objective of calling for organization and global resistance in the face of the aggressiveness of big money and its respective overseers on the planet, which already terrorize millions of people all around the world:
We call to organize autonomously, to resist and rebel against persecutions, detentions, and deportations. If someone has to go, let it be those above. Every human being has the right to a free and dignified existence in the place that they deem best, and has the right to fight to stay there. Resisting detentions, displacements, and expulsions is an obligation, just as it is an obligation to support those who are rebelling against those arbitrary actions REGARDLESS OF BORDERS.
It is necessary to let all those people know that they are not alone, that their pain and rage are seen even from a distance, that their resistance is not only welcomed, it is also supported, even with our limited possibilities.
It’s necessary to get organized. It’s necessary to resist. It’s necessary to say “NO” to persecutions, expulsions, prisons, walls and borders. And it’s necessary to say “NO” to the national bad governments that are and have been accomplices to that policy of terror, destruction and death. Solutions will not come from above, because that’s where the problems were born.
For this reason we are calling on the Sixth in its entirety to organize itself, according to its times, ways, and geographies, to support activities for and by those who are resisting and rebelling against expulsions. This may be by supporting their return to their homes, by creating “sanctuaries” or supporting the ones that already exist, through legal advice and support, with money, through the arts and sciences, through festivals and mobilizations, through commercial and media boycotts, in cyberspace, wherever and however possible. In all the spaces we move through it is our duty to support and be in solidarity with each other.
The time has come for creating committees in solidarity with criminalized and persecuted humanity. Now, more than even before, your house is also our house.
Like the Zapatistas that we are, our strength is small and, although our calendar is wide and deep, our geography is limited.
Because of that and to support those who resist the detentions and deportations, since several weeks ago the EZLN’s Sixth Commission has initiated contacts with individuals, groups, collectives and organizations adhered to the Sixth in the world, to see the way of making a little aid reach them in a way that is useful to them as a basis for launching or continuing all sorts of activities and actions in favor of the persecuted.
To begin, we’ll send you artistic works created by the indigenous Zapatistas for CompArte last year, as well as organic coffee produced by the indigenous Zapatista communities in the mountains of the Mexican Southeast, so that, with its sale, you realize artistic and cultural activities for concretizing support and solidarity with the immigrants and the displaced that all over the world see their lives, their liberty and their property threatened by the xenophobic campaigns promoted by governments and the ultra right in the world.
That’s it for now. We’re already planning new forms of support and solidarity. Zapatista women, men, children and elderly won’t leave you alone.
We’ll give more details soon.
III. – We call all artists to the second edition of “CompArte for Humanity” with the theme: “Against Capital and its walls: all the arts” to be celebrated all over the world and in cyberspace. The “real” part will be on the dates of July 23 to 29, 2017 in the Caracol of Oventik and CIDECI-UniTierra. The virtual edition will be from August 1 to 12, 2017 in the Internet. We’ll give more details soon.
That’s not all. One must resist, one must rebel, one must struggle and one must organize.
From the mountains of the Mexican Southeast,
Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés | Subcomandante Insurgente Galeano
Mexico, February 14 (also the day of our dead), 2017
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Originally Published in Spanish by Enlace Zapatista
February 14, 2017
http://enlacezapatista.ezln.org.mx/2017/02/14/los-muros-arriba-las-grietas-abajo-y-a-la-izquierda/
CSC SPRING DELEGATION to CHIAPAS, March 26 – April 1, 2017

The Chiapas Support Committee of Oakland, California announces a Delegation to Chiapas, Mexico. We hope you will join us to explore the autonomous parallel government being constructed in Zapatista communities.
On January 1, 1994, the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN) rose up in arms against the government of Mexico and took control of large expanses of land owned by cattle ranchers. Thirteen days later, the Zapatistas declared a truce and began the process of developing autonomous government for the communities on the land they now controlled, and told the official government to stay out. The Mexican Congress enacted the truce into law. Since then, the Zapatistas have been constructing another world, one characterized by regional self-government, collective economic projects, the full participation of women, autonomous education and health care centers. They call their project autonomy.
The Good Government Boards (Juntas de Buen Gobierno), referred to in Chiapas simply as Juntas, are the revolutionary centerpiece of Zapatista civilian government. They are the regional governance centers and represent the highest civilian authority in each of the 5 Zapatista regions. Launched in 2003, the Juntas are located in regional centers, called Caracoles, where visitors enter the region, disputes are resolved and economic development is distributed fairly. Every 3 years, each autonomous municipality within the region elects representatives that take turns serving on the Junta. Each region has developed its own education system with trained promoters of education (teachers), and autonomous schools. (Autonomous means no involvement with the official government.) All regions have primary schools. Several regions have middle schools. Each region has developed a health care system with community members trained as healthcare workers that practice in the communities, the municipal capitals and in the Caracoles. Each region has a large clinic, a pharmacy, herbal medicine, laboratory and women’s health services. Surgeries are performed in several large clinics/hospitals.
The indigenous peoples of Chiapas and Mexico confront a design by multilateral organizations such as the World Bank and the IMF to re-colonize indigenous territory for exploitation by transnational corporations. The Zapatistas live in resistance to the Mexican government and are committed to resisting the corporate acquisition of their lands and natural resources. Many indigenous communities throughout Mexico joined together in the National Indigenous Congress (CNI, its initials in Spanish) to resist the projects that threaten their lands and communities. Hydroelectric dams, soft drink bottling plants and upscale tourist facilities threaten water supplies. The exploration and extraction of oil and minerals by mining companies threaten displacement and the poisoning of both land and water. Some communities fear displacement and soil depletion from mono-crop agriculture, such as biofuels. They are looking for a way to control and protect their communities, their territories and their natural resources. They are the first line of environmental defense.
On January 1, 2017, the National Indigenous Congress (CNI, its initials in Spanish) announced the adoption of a proposal initially made by the EZLN, also a member of the CNI. The proposal is to form an Indigenous Governing Council on a national level; that is, a parallel autonomous government for Mexico! The CNI also adopted the proposal to run an indigenous woman from the CNI as an independent candidate for president in Mexico’s 2018 elections! These measures are in response to the projects and corporations that threaten the very existence of their communities, their way of life and the environment.
This delegation will visit Zapatista communities, including the Caracoles of Oventik and La Garrucha to meet with members of the Good Government Juntas. We will also receive briefings from Chiapas NGOs on the political climate in Chiapas and Mexico. While in San Cristobal, there will be a little time for shopping and entertainment. We invite you to join us for an amazing learning experience.

Getting there, cost, etc.
Delegates will arrive in Tuxtla Gutiérrez by plane and then travel by bus or taxi to the colonial city of San Cristobal de las Casas. Airline reservations are made for Tuxtla Gutiérrez (TGZ), although the international airport is located several miles outside of Tuxtla in Chiapa de Corzo. We will assemble at a hotel in San Cristobal de las Casas on Sunday, March 26. Several days later, when the delegation travels into the communities, conditions will be like rough camping and require both a sleeping bag and a hammock.
Cost of the delegation is US $500.00. This does NOT include airfare. Nor does it include bus transportation to and from San Cristobal de las Casas and the international airport in Chiapa de Corzo. It DOES include most food (2 meals per day), lodging (double room) and ground transportation to and from the communities. Your tuition ALSO includes a donation for each community we visit, an honorarium for each NGO briefing we receive, delegation expenses and educational materials, if any. We provide each delegation with experienced group leaders and a translator. Delegation dates are March 26 through April 1, 2017. [Delegates can arrange to stay in Chiapas longer at their own expense.] We are working on arranging NGO briefings now. When we have arrangements confirmed, we will prepare a day-to-day itinerary and will send it to those who express interest in the delegation.
Who is the Chiapas Support Committee?
The Chiapas Support Committee is a grassroots nonprofit collective founded in 1998. All of us are unpaid volunteers. We support autonomous development in civilian Zapatista communities in Chiapas. Our current project is to support the construction of schools in the Caracol of La Garrucha. We also process applications for the Zapatista Language School in Oventik and support the production of Zapatista artisan cooperatives. We are an adherent to the EZLN’s 6th Declaration of the Lacandón Jungle and have been organizing delegations to Chiapas since 2001.
Conditions in Chiapas
The areas we visit in Chiapas are in a “conflict zone.” Although a truce has been maintained for 23 years, there are still military bases and “paramilitary” groups within the zones of Zapatista influence. Any existing conflict is almost entirely between unarmed Zapatista communities and armed civilian groups referred to as “paramilitary.” Violence has not been directed against foreign visitors. Compared to the Drug War violence in other Mexican states, Chiapas is generally peaceful. Nevertheless, it is classified as a “conflict zone,” which means that conditions are not entirely predictable. Delegates travel at their own risk.
How to apply
Please email cezmat@igc.org, requesting an application. Act now! There are only 8 spaces on the delegation, so the sooner you send in your application the better. We must receive all applications by February 28, 2017. A deposit of $100 is required with your application in order to reserve a space. Balance is due March 5, 2012. For those who want more information, just email your questions to mailto:enapoyo1994@yahoo.com
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Chiapas Support Committee/Comité de Apoyo a Chiapas
P.O. Box 3421, Oakland, CA 94609
https://www.facebook.com/CSCzapatistas/

Photo from Oakland Women’s March showing Lake Merritt
By: Gustavo Esteva
We are in a time of grave danger. We can’t close our eyes. But daring to open them demands being willing to acknowledge that we can be caught up in what threatens us.
A nostalgic belief today appears as a program of government. Mr. Trump expresses it in a spectacular and shameless way, prominent Republican Party leaders protect it… and millions of Americans share it. Among them, an idealized image of their country is deeply rooted, according to which they would be exceptional and a blessing to the world. It was formed throughout 200 years and seemed to be confirmed at the end of World War II, when the United States generated more than half of the world’s registered product, was universal creditor and had “the bomb,” while Europe and the Soviet Union suffered the consequences of the war and Japan was occupied. Its evident hegemonic condition was recognized in all the international institutions created in those years, from Bretton Woods to the United Nations.
Americans wanted something more. In order to stabilize their hegemony they conceived an emblem that even the anti-Yankees were able to accept, a paradigm that would convert their way of life into a universal and permanent ideal. On January 20, 1949, upon taking the oath of office, President Truman politically coined the word under-development and offered to share scientific and technological advances with “under-developed areas” so that they would be able to enjoy the “American way of life.” The proposal caught the general fantasy of the whole world. In Mexico it became a religion of the politicians and upper classes and caught on in almost all of the population.
In the years that followed the United States became the champion of national liberation and contributed to dismantling what was left of the European empires. This operation, combined with the Marshall Plan, the Alliance for Progress, the Peace Corps and many other legal or illegal devices, made a new type of imperial exercise possible. It almost never implied the territorial occupation through force of other countries.
To give viability and legitimacy to the endeavor, those who organized it shared a significant part of the “imperial pie” with broad groups of American workers, who thus enjoyed several decades of unprecedented prosperity. They were very broad groups… but they did not embrace the whole population. The design was put into effect with a racist and sexist tinge that characterized it from the beginning and was applied inside as well as outside the United States. The denunciation of its racist and sexist character was customarily scorned. Many Americans persist even today in denying it as a substantive feature of their society, although it has been inherent in it since its beginning.
The postwar scenario passed into history. The United States also won the Cold War, but the world of today is not like the world of yesterday. It will not be possible to march backwards in history. Nevertheless, millions of Americans, perhaps the majority, share the dream of recuperating the position that the country came to hold. Although it may lack realism, the attempt to recuperate it will cause immense damage; millions of Mexicans and Muslims and many others already suffer the consequences. It also provokes resistance. Those who will try to block that mad path are already mobilized, which has generated a profound polarization in American society. For their own interest and conviction, they could impede the shots-in-the-foot that Trump announced, and will try to stop his mad and inhumane policies.
Mexico will be able to do little to change things there. The apparent unity of the political classes, artificially constructed with the ritual use of the flag, will not last; it has popular appeal, but lacks a solid foundation. From below, on the other hand, we could confront the threats with organization and talent. We could, for example, offer the Mexicans abroad a successful reinsertion in Mexico. Millions of able, qualified people and workers would be a blessing for the country if we receive them in appropriate conditions. And we could become a worldwide example of the dignified way of treating the Central American and Caribbean migrants, if we organize to impede the national shame that represents the infamous treatment that criminals and functionaries give them. We could thus advance in the construction of a new society.
Trump believes, like many Americans, what the Mexican government has proclaimed since Carlos Salinas: that NAFTA was a great benefit to Mexico, achieved with astuteness versus the United States. No evidence of the disaster that it has meant for us will be able to convince him otherwise; he will try to get even more at the negotiating table. Nor will he change his belief, also widely shared, that Mexican immigrants are a problem and a danger to his country; he won’t be able to recognize how much they need them.
A century ago Proust observed that: “facts don’t penetrate in the world that our beliefs inhabit, and as they didn’t give them life they can’t kill them; they can constantly deny them without weakening them, and an avalanche of misfortunes or sicknesses that occur without interruption in a family doesn’t make them doubt the goodness of their gods or the talent of their doctor.” Neither the ‘real facts’ nor the ‘alternative facts’ matter for the case. No one will be able to modify that dangerous attitude that is taking a frightening course.
Machado said this convincingly: “Below what is thought is what is believed, as if they were in a deeper level of our spirit.” We must take into account the depth and extent of American superstitions about Mexicans as we strive to construct new hope, based on our own notion of what it is to live well.
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Originally Published in Spanish by La Jornada
Monday, January 30, 2016
http://www.jornada.unam.mx/2017/01/30/opinion/018a2pol
Re-Published with English interpretation by the Chiapas Support Committee
https://chiapas-support.org/2017/02/08/dangerous-nostalgias/

…
Joint Comunicado of the National Indigenous Congress and the Zapatista National Liberation Army in solidarity with the Rarámuri People

“Our fight is not for power, our fight is for saving Mexico.”
STOP THE MURDERS OF INDIGENOUS RARAMURIS COMPAÑEROS IN DEFENSE OF THEIR TERRITORY!
Indigenous Territories of Mexico,
February 4, 2017
To the people of Choreachi,
To all the Rarámuri People
To the Indigenous Peoples
To the people of Mexico
To the peoples of the world
We found out today about the murders perpetrated against the indigenous Rarámuris Juan Ontiveros Ramos and Isidro Baldenegro, both from the community of Choreachi, in the municipality of Guadalupe y Calvo, Chihuahua, respectively on February 2 and the other 15 days ago.
We urgently denounce this new barbarity against compañeros with outstanding commitment in their people’s struggle for the recuperation of their territory monopolized for more than 40 years by large cattle ranching landholders and organized crime groups.
As the National Indigenous Congress and the Zapatista National Liberation Army, we are in solidarity with the Rarámuri people so hurt by these two murders that were added to the 18 homicides against their communities since 1973, four of them in the last year.
Compañeros and compañeras, you are not alone! We accompany you in your pain; we open our hearts to the tireless fight you are waging against organized crime and landholders supported by the bad governments; we offer you our support as indigenous peoples of the country that we organize to defend our lives and our territories.
STOP THE MURDERS OF INDIGENOUS SOCIAL STRUGGLERS!
NEVER MORE A MEXICO WITHOUT US!
CONGRESO NACIONAL INDIGENA
ZAPATISTA NATIONAL LIBERACION ARMY

January 2, 2017.
We take a lot of care with the value of the word. When we talk about someone, we’re not just saying his or her name: we’re naming his or her presence with us.
That’s what we mean when we say “brother” or “sister”; but when we say “compañera” or “compañero,” we’re talking about a back and forth, about someone who is not outside but rather who sees and listens to the world, and fights for it, together with us.
I mention this because here with us is the compañero Don Pablo González Casanova, who is, as is evident, a Zapatista Autonomous Municipality in Rebellion unto himself.
Since the compañero Pablo Gonzalez Casanova is here, I’m going to try to raise the level and scientific rigor of my presentation, avoiding any sort of double-entendre (large or small, pay attention).
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Alchemy. Before you use up your data on your cell phones and tablets checking what “alchemy” is on “Wikipedia,” and overwhelm me with all sorts of definitions, let me clarify that with this term we’re referring to an antecedent, a step that precedes (whether necessary or not, you can decide) the constitution of science as such. Or as the late Sup Marcos used to say, “alchemy is a sick science, a science invaded by the parasites of philosophy, ‘folk wisdom,’ and the kind of evidence that saturates the complex world of contemporary communication,” as we can read in one of the documents left behind after his death.
In that text, the deceased indicated that alchemy was not necessarily a precursor to science as indicated by the saying, “all science was alchemy before it was science.” Rather, it was a non-science that aspired to be science. He also said that alchemy, unlike the pseudo-sciences, does not build on a mix of truths and knowledge, with evidence and clichés. Pseudo-science, he says, does not move closer to science but rather separates itself from it and will become its most ferocious enemy; it will succeed in getting more publicity in times of crisis. It does not constitute an alternative explanation of reality (as is the case with religion), but rather a “reasoning” that supplants, invades and conquers scientific thought, defeating it in the most important contest in a media society: that of popularity.
Pseudo-science does not aspire to the argument of faith, hope and charity. Rather, it offers an explanation with a logical structure that “tricks” reasoning. To put it plainly: pseudo-science is a fraud, typical of the charlatanism that abounds in academia.
Alchemy, on the other hand, aspires to free itself, to “cure” itself, to “purge” the parasites that are the non-scientific elements.
Although it claims dubious maternity rights over the sciences, philosophy, which calls itself “the science of the sciences,” is, according to the text of the deceased, one of those very parasites. “Perhaps the most dangerous one,” continues the late Sup, “because it presents itself to science as a way out of that affirmation-negation, ‘I don’t know’, that, sooner or later, science bumps up against. Its commitment to rationality leads science to supplant religion with philosophy when it arrives at its limit.”
For example, if it didn’t have the capacity to explain why it rains, instead of invoking the argument that god is the one who decides about rainfall, science would prefer to invoke a reasoning along the lines of, “The rain is none other than a social construction, with a theoretical-empirical appearance revolving around a random perception that occurs in the context of a continual conflict between being and non-being; it’s not that you get wet when it rains, but rather that your perception of ‘getting wet’ is a vacillating part of a universal de-coloniality.”
Even though all this could be summarized as, “it’s really up to the rain whether it falls, or falls on you,” science would embrace this external explanation, because, among other things, science believes that its explicatory power is in language, and not in the power to make possible the transformation of reality. “Know in order to transform,” they told us here a few days ago. Philosophy successfully sells science its certificate of legitimacy: “you are science when you achieve a logic in language, not when you are able to understand.”
If we go even further, for “Zapatista alchemy,” science not only understands reality and thereby makes possible its transformation; scientific knowledge also “opens the path” and defines new horizons. That is to say, for Zapatista alchemy, science completes its duty by continually arriving at the recognition that “what is missing is yet to come.”
If, in the philosophical and scientific thought of the last century, the sciences progressively “dismantled” religious explanations, offering verifiable knowledge; then in the coming crisis, the pseudo-sciences do not confront reality with a magical explanation, but rather “invade” and “parasitize” the sciences, first in order to “humanize” them, and then in order to supplant them.
Philosophies are then transformed such that they no longer function as the tribunal that sanctions scientificity according to the logical structure of language, but rather the generic, naturopath and homeopathic explanation opposed to the “obvious” scientific one. To make myself clear: for postmodern philosophy, micro-doses are the best weapon against the big pharmaceutical monopolies.
The popularity of the pseudo-sciences is rooted in the fact that a scientific background is unnecessary: it’s enough to nourish oneself in the hidden corners of language, to supplement ignorance with badly concealed pedantry and evidence and platitudes with complex linguistic inventions.
Faced with an affirmation like: “the law of universal gravitation says that the force of attraction between two bodies with mass is directly proportional to the product of their masses and inversely proportional to the square of the distance that separates them,” science will recur to observation and experimentation, while philosophy will analyze the logical reasoning in the language.
Another example: an assertion from the neurosciences, like “a lesion in area 17 of the occipital lobe can cause cortical blindness or blind spots, depending on the extent of the lesion,” can be confirmed with functional magnetic resonance imaging, an electroencephalogram or similar technologies.
Clearly, in order to be able to do this it was necessary for science to advance to be able to study the brain and explain its parts, but the development of other sciences was also necessary to obtain the functional neuro-images.
When, upon the recommendation of a compa, I read that excellent text called The Man Who Mistook his Wife for a Hat, by the neurologist Oliver Sacks, I thought that Sacks must have been itching to open that man’s head to see what was happening in his brain. Although I would have preferred to open his wife’s head to understand how she could stand to be confused for a hat and why she didn’t “fix” her husband’s dysfunction with a good smack upside the head.
Now, scientific-technological advances will make it possible to study, for example, what happens in the Cat-dog’s brain without the necessity of opening its head.
Despite this, faced with a scientific explanation for brain function, pseudo-science will offer its own explanation using a supposedly scientific language, and it will tell us that our problems are due to the fact that we haven’t developed the full capacity of our brain function. And so, theories abound that say that intelligence is measured by the percentage of the brain that is used. A more intelligent person uses a greater percentage of his or her brain. For example, Donald Trump and Enrique Peña Nieto would have in common that they use 0.00001% of their brains, while Einstein would have used, let’s say, 30%. The success of the movie “Lucy” is not limited to the box-office, nor due only to the fact that it was directed by Luc Bensson and stars my ex, Scarlett Johansson; it’s because it permits the appearance of charlatans who offer courses so you can become more intelligent using “scientific techniques” to take advantage of your maximum brain capacity.
And so the commercial success of products with pheromones to attract the opposite sex was brief. (“If you, my friend, can’t manage to catch the bus much less a man or woman-friend, it’s not because you can’t pull yourself away from the TV or computer screen, it’s because you don’t use this soap-perfume: after the first use, you’ll see how they throw themselves at you as if you were a youtuber, tweetstar or a trendy meme. And just look, for one time only we have a special offer of 333 for the price of 2, but only if you call the number on the screen in the next 15 minutes. Remember to have your credit card number on hand. You don’t have a credit card? For the love of…well that’s why you can’t even catch a cold, much less a partner; no, friend, not even pheromones will help you. Change the channel or go watch videos of funny accidents, the prophecies of Nostradamus or similar things that will provide conversation material in the chat room of your preference).
But just behind in the relay race is the stupid blunder of “brain capacity,” which is supplanting the pheromone lotions with products that develop your cognitive capacities: you too, friend, can be a successful person and learn to fly and repair interstellar spaceships on you tube.
Perhaps this proposal, which is neither modern nor post-modern, would not be so supported even by some scientists if they knew that one of its promoters was Dale Carnegie, with his self-help best-seller, which dates from 1936, titled How to Win Friends and Influence People, which sits on the bedside table of John M. Ackerman et al.
In sum, while scientists try to confirm or discard their hypotheses about how the brain works, pseudo-scientists sell you courses on brain gymnastics and things like that.
And, in general, while the sciences require rigor, study, theory and exhaustive practice, the pseudo-sciences offer knowledge at the click of that dark object of desire for the Cat-dog: the computer mouse.
Which is to say that science is not easy: it’s hard, it demands, it obligates. It’s obviously not popular even among the scientific community.
And then science doesn’t do anything for itself and it decides to break your heart without a second thought. It happened to me, for example. You all have to be strong and mature for what I’m about to tell you. Sit down, relax, be in harmony with the universe, and prepare yourselves to learn a crude and cruel truth. Are you ready? Well, it turns out that the moka or moca doesn’t exist. There’s no such thing as a moka tree or a moka mineral. The moka is not a creation of the first gods to alleviate the life and death of SupMarcos. It’s not the prohibited fruit with which the serpent, dressed-up as a seller of rejuvenating cosmetics, tricked wicked Eve, who in turn coaxed noble Adam and screwed over Rome. Nor is it the Holy Grail, the sorcerer’s stone that moves the search for knowledge. No, it turns out that…. moka is a hybrid or a mix or something like that. I don’t remember of what with what because, when they told me about it, I got more depressed than when one of the scientists said that the most brilliant alchemist was not present, and then, I confess, I threw myself into vice and perdition. I distanced myself from worldly distractions and I understood, then, the success of the philosophies and pseudo-sciences in vogue today. What is there to live for if the moka is nothing but a construction of the social imaginary? Then I got a better understanding of that spontaneous philosopher who would have had great success on social networks, and who responded to the name of Jose Alfredo Jimenez. “Paths of Guanajuato” [“Caminos de Guanajuato”] would have been the Critique of Pure Reason that Kant couldn’t elaborate.
But, despite injuries and scars, the presentations you all gave start to produce effects:
One insurgente official listened to the talk that Dr. Claudio Martinez Debat gave about genetic inheritance, and he concluded that it’s true. “I applied it quickly, thinking about the communities and, yes, if a compa is a certain way, you see that his father and mother have the same way about them. For example, if SubMoy is very bad-tempered, then it’s because his father was very bad-tempered himself.”
“Ah,” I said to him, “so SubMoy gets mad at us not because we don’t complete our tasks, but because his father was very bad-tempered?”
The scientific investigation is still pending because at that moment SubMoy arrived to check whether we had prepared the things to go to Oventik. That is, justice fell upon on us.
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This is a meeting of the Zapatistas and the sciences. We added “con” to “sciences” not just because of the play on words, but also because your having accepted this meeting with us goes beyond your duty and could imply a reflection about the world, too, as well as an explanation of what you work on in your respective specialties.
As in our previous participations, Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés and he who writes and reads this are making an effort to give you data so you can form an image (a profile, they would say these days) of the type of Zapatista who is interested in learning from you all.
We’re striving for this because, as we also said in our other intervention, our aspiration is for this meeting to be repeated, and for it to multiply quantitatively and qualitatively.
With your presentations, you all give us an idea not only of the knowledge you possess, but also of your reasons for accepting our invitation and for being present here in person or via texts, audios and videos.
Because we need science, we are displaying all our charms now, together with SubMoy, in order to convince you all that here, with us, you can and should do science.
That’s why we’re telling you not about science, but about what we have been and what we are, and what we want to be.
We can do what we can. We can’t offer you scholarships, resources, or recognitions to plump up your curriculum vitae. Gosh, we can’t even help you get a few class-hours, much less a tenured position.
It’s true, we could try to con you and put on our “I’m a poor Zapatista who lives in the mountains” face.
Or insinuate, with a seductive voice, “What’s up my plebian friend, I know you want a piece of this, come on already. You know the scientists say not to produce any more production because the world is as full as the metro at 7:30am: don’t make any more products they say, better to adopt instead. So you and I are going to offer them a full assortment as they say, like cow-tongue or shredded pork tacos, so they have options. If it comes out a boy we’ll keep going until we get a girl, or the other way around, switching, going by pairs. The point is that what’s important isn’t winning, but rather competing.”
Or with a DM that invites: “Come on, let’s deconstruct our clothes and contextualize our private parts.”
Or we could send you a whatsapp that suggests: “You, me, and a particle accelerator: I’m just saying, think about it.”
We could do that, though it surely wouldn’t be successful.
What we’re thinking of doing is what we’re saying: show ourselves as we are and how we’ve come to be what we are.
So that you don’t feel you’re at a disadvantage knowing that you’re being not only listened to, but evaluated (the closing ceremony of this event, on January 4, is when the 200 masked men and women, our compañeros and compañeras, the Zapatista bases of support, will evaluate this event), we’ve tried to give you elements so that you can evaluate us and decide how to answer the complex question of whether you will return, or file these days under “never repeat ever again.”
That evaluation will be our first disagreement and we will have to decide if we overcome it like mature adults and take up couples therapy, or if we call it a day.
In any case, it is to be expected that on your way home you’ll say to yourselves, “sonofa…and I was complaining about the Conacyt [National Council of Science and Technology] and the National System of Researchers.”
-*-
Before, I told you that one way to get to know us was to ask why we ask what we ask. So other possible questions could be, “what do you understand by and expect of science and of scientists?”
For us, science implies knowledge that doesn’t depend on other factors. Note, that’s science, not scientific research. That is, for example, exact science by antonomasia, mathematics in the singular or various kinds of mathematics. Is there a capitalist math and one below and to the left? I give this extreme example because, starting from the still-developing sciences, the “young” sciences as they say, with their understandable errors and stumbling explanations, generalizations are made that say “science is guilty of this and that.” “Science is racist, discriminatory, and doesn’t take into consideration the personal and passionate drama of the scientist.” And there, in the apocalypse of the cat-dog, it becomes the “mother of all misfortune.”
We Zapatistas don’t do science, but we want to learn it, study it, know it, apply it.
We are familiar with the courtship the pseudo-sciences offer us, and with their path of poverty-optimization: the attempt to sweet talk us with the idea that the non-knowledge we have are really “wisdoms.”
I’m going to ignore for now the fact that this position invariably comes from someone who has never done science, that is, beyond middle school science experiments.
But that’s what they tell us, and they give us the example that we know when to plant. It’s true, we do know when to plant; we identify certain “signals” in nature and, through tradition and custom, we know it’s time to sow seeds.
But we don’t know why those signals indicate that it’s time to plant, nor what the relationship is between those signals.
The Zapatista young peoples’ interest in science (as in the example of the estafiate [i] that Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés told us about a few days ago) finds echo and support from the adults and the elders, because climate change has caused those signals to become blurry.
So now, with climate change, the dry season and rainy season have been disrupted. Now it rains when it’s not the time for rain and doesn’t rain when it is. The cold season has been reduced in time and intensity. Animals that are supposed to belong in certain zones begin to appear in others that have neither similar vegetation nor climate.
When the rains are late in coming and the crops are at risk, the custom in the communities is to set firecrackers off into the sky “to wake the clouds,” or to remind god that it’s time for rain, like a reminder of the work at hand in case god got distracted. But it turns out that god is either really busy or not listening, or just doesn’t have anything to do with the extended draught.
So you see, ancestral knowledge isn’t enough, if in fact you can call it knowledge.
So what some call the “ancestral knowledge” of the indigenous confronts a world that they do not understand, that they do not know. And the Zapatistas, instead of consoling ourselves in churches or shrines or resorting to prayer, realize that we need scientific knowledge, now not out of curiosity but out of the necessity to do something real to change our reality or to confront it under better conditions.
That’s why the generations that prepared and carried out the uprising, those that sustained resistance with rebellion, and those that grew up in the context of autonomy and maintain the rebellion and resistance, all agree on one need: scientific knowledge.
-*-
We don’t know how sensitive science is to public opinion, social networks, or the imposition of paths or explanations, not because of the pressure of money, Power, or the system, but because of self-censorship.
We don’t know if something exists that could be called “another science,” and if it would correspond to a media or social court that judges, condemns, and executes sentences against the sciences.
To whom does the construction of another science correspond, if there is something that can be named as such?
We Zapatistas think it corresponds to the scientific community, regardless of its phobias, affinities, political militancy or lack thereof. And we think that community should resist and combat the parasites that latch onto it, or that already inhabit and weaken it.
That is why, even if we don’t manage to convince you that ours is an effort for life as well and that we need you in that endeavor, you should keep on without tiring, without compromise, and without concessions, to us or anyone else.
You should keep on because your commitment is to science, that is, to life.
Thank you very much.
From CIDECI-Unitierra, San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Chiapas, Mexico,
SupGaleano.
Mexico, January 2017
From the Notebook of the Cat-Dog
The 3-of-3 of the Cat-Dog
I don’t know if this is still the case, but 10-12 years ago, people sang and danced ska. I vaguely remember that concerts were organized in solidarity with various people’s struggles. At those concerts, and I don’t know either if they still do this, but instead of paying money, dough, bread, cash, you could get in with a pound of rice, beans, or sugar that would later be sent to those movements. Some of those concerts were to support the Zapatista communities’ resistance, and on one occasion, I think in 2004, they sent me some videos where the only thing you could see was a cloud of dust, in the midst of which you could vaguely make out the crowd jumping around as if they had ants in their pants to the rhythm of “La Carencia,” which is what Defensa Zapatista found on the internet when she looked up the word. I told the compa you couldn’t see a damned thing on the video and he responded that maybe it was my computer, because on his you could see, I quote, “dope, man, dope.”
Of course it turns out that his computer was one of those super-modern ones with a foot control, a heliport, a bowling alley and a minibar, and mine, well how can I tell you, it had a DOS operating system and the most modern thing it could read was a 5-inch floppy disk (which was like trying to read the “Piedra del Sol,” [ii] which is or was housed in the National Museum of Anthropology, with the disinterested support of IBM).
On one trip that compa made to these mountains, he checked my laptop over and declared, and I quote: “yeah that’s lame, plus it’s not even the original video, who knows who that’s from, here, this is the real thing,” and he pulled up another video taken from the stage. There you could hear the music and see the crowd holding up different kinds of stuffed animals. If people still play, sing, and dance to that kind of music, they must have been dying of envy when they saw the Sherlock Holmes and Einstein dolls I had here during the first talk.
It turns out around that around that same time the deceased SupMarcos recorded a CD with the musicians who call themselves “Panteón Rococó,” named “3 times 3,” although I don’t know the reason or motive for the name. This is relevant in this case because perhaps one can find there the antecedent for this “3of3.” Now that it is publicly known that the National Indigenous Congress has decided to form an Indigenous Governing Council and run the spokesperson of that Council as candidate for the Mexican presidency in 2018, the Cat-Dog felt obligated to present its own “3of3,” you know, not to be caught flatfooted and better a bird in the hand and sit down before you’re knocked off your feet. [iii]
1 of 3: Artificial Intelligence versus Zapatista Intelligence
“The political system has been hacked,” reads the news ticker across all of the screens in the Society of Power Artificial Intelligence complex.
The central Chat forum lights up and almost simultaneously various nicknames appear, all worse than ridiculous.
A dull conversation begins, but stops immediately when the nickname “Bossy” appears.
It’s not just any meeting. And I don’t mean because nobody is physically there. There aren’t even real avatars, just voices.
But every voice knows its place in the hierarchy. The less they speak the higher their rank.
At that moment a voice points out:
“I don’t think there’s anything to worry about really. It’s clear that this will only further saturate the [political] center. One more option for those who think they choose and decide. I don’t really see that there’s a problem; let them do it. And well, that geography was defined a long time ago. I suggest we move on to the next item…”
A voice interrupts, their rank evident in their dubious tone:
“Pardon me. I think we should not underestimate what they intend. That should be clear from the fact that this wasn’t even contemplated among the thousands of scenarios that our systems predicted. In fact, we didn’t even realize it was happening until it appeared on the screen.
When we saw the warning blinking “The political system has been hacked,” we thought it was another hacker invasion and that there was no reason to worry. The firewalls would take care not only to neutralize the attack, but also to counterattack with a virus that would send the intruder back to smoke signal communication. But no, the system didn’t even warn of a virus or infiltration risk. It just indicated that there was something for which it didn’t even have a category of classification.”
Another voice, same volume, similar tone:
“I agree. The proposal is too daring for them to be satisfied with a dispute over the center. I was doing the calculations and I think they are aiming for those people who don’t even appear in our statistics. Those people want to destroy us.”
Several voices begin to murmur. The screens erupt with texts in characters illegible for those not familiar.
A voice inquires with authority:
“What do you suggest?”
“A vacuum,” says another voice, “that the media focus elsewhere. And may the well-behaved left attack them. There’s no lack of racism there, a mere insinuation will be enough for it to carry on with its own inertia. We’ve done it before, there won’t be a problem.”
“Proceed,” the voice with authority states, and “offline” immediately appears on several screens.
Only the smallest voices continue chatting:
“Well,” one says, “I think we’re going to have to deal with unpredictable surprises, like that of 1994.”
“And what would you do?”
“Hmm… remember that bad joke from a few years ago, that if you wanted to prepared for the future you should learn Chinese? Well, I recommend that you start studying native languages. You?”
“Well, we could try to find a bridge, some kind of communication.”
“For what?”
“Well, to negotiate decent conditions in prison. Because I don’t think these people are going to offer any kind of amnesty, not before or after the fact.”
“And what do you suggest?”
A voice, until that point silent says:
“I’d say to learn, but I think it’s too late for that.”
“But I have a hypothesis,” the voice continued, “what happened is that the Artificial Intelligence that motors our central server functions with the information that we give it. Based on that data, the AI predicted all of the possible scenarios, their consequences, and the appropriate measures to take. What happened is that what they actually did wasn’t in any of our scenarios; the AI got upset and didn’t know what to do, simultaneously activating the anti-hacker and antivirus warnings and launching the reaction to the closest scenario on hand, which was Sup Marcos as presidential candidate.”
Another voice interrupts: “But isn’t Marcos dead?
“He is,” responds another, “but for the same reason.”
“So they did it to us again, fucking Zapatistas.”
“And there’s no way to fix this?”
“Well I don’t know about you all but I’ve already reserved a flight to Miami.”
“I now look with fear on the Indians, it never occurred to me that they would come to rule.”
Almost simultaneously, “Standby Mode” appears on the various screens.
The red lights are still on. The alert sirens are still going off, alarmed, hysterical.
Far away, some women of the color of the earth that we are turn off their computer, disconnect the server cable, smile and converse in an incomprehensible language.
A little girl arrives and asks in Spanish: “Hey moms, I finished my homework, can I go play? See, we haven’t filled up the team yet but don’t worry ma, there will be more of us, sometimes it takes awhile but there will be more of us.”
The women leave, running and laughing behind the little girl. They run and laugh as if, in the end, there will be a tomorrow.
I testify.
Woof-Meow.
Note: Upon questioning the Cat-dog on why its “3of3” declaration only has one part and not 3 like its name suggests, it only growled and purred: “what’s missing is yet to come.”
[i] Also known, depending on the source, as Artemesia, white sage, silver herb, mugwort, or wormwood.
[ii] The Sun Stone or the Stone of the Five Eras, is a late post-classic Mexica sculpture, often mistakenly referred to as the Aztec Calendar, consisting of a massive 24-ton basalt disc of Aztec carvings: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aztec_calendar_stone
[iii] A mix of three metaphors in Spanish.
En español: http://enlacezapatista.ezln.org.mx/2017/01/13/alquimia-zapatista/

Aerial view of the town of Oxchuc, the capital of Oxchuc municipality, located in the Highlands of Chiapas, Mexico.
By: Isaín Mandujano
With marches, public assemblies, dance, food and sports activities, for two days, thousands of indigenous Oxchuc residents, celebrated the “Day of Civil Resistance” in that municipal capital, to remember that January 8, 2016 on which hundreds of state police attempted to enter the municipal capital but were repelled with a negative result for the police.
During Saturday and Sunday, residents of some 97 communities and the 22 neighborhoods in the municipal capital congregated to remember that pitched battle, which they called a “historic gesture,” that they had with some 700 police that tried to enter the town to subject them.
The town of Oxchuc maintains a civilian resistance against the mayor elected in July 2015, María Gloria Sánchez and that the Electoral Tribunal of the Judicial Power of the Federation (TEPJF) ratified; they accuse her of having won buying votes, manipulating and coercion of the vote during the elections to prolong the political boss system in that municipality that she maintains with her husband Norberto Sántiz.
In a plebiscite residents elected Oscar Gómez López, who although the local government already recognized him, the state government obliges him to install María Gloria Sánchez in his position because of a TEPJF resolution.
January 8, 2016 was marked in the history of Oxchuc, the bravery with which everyone went out in the streets to confront the state police. Minutes before, state police had detained 38 Oxchuc leaders during a negotiating session in San Cristóbal de Las Casas.
When the state police entered, residents burned a dozen buses and patrol cars and provoked more than 50 injuries. The residents also captured 27 state police, among them eight women, as well as the Oxchuc judge for Indigenous Peace and Conciliation, Rogelio Sántiz López, and four of his sons and two little boys.
The Oxchuqueros (residents of Oxchuc) used the captured state police and civilians as hostages to demand the freedom of their 38 leaders. Therefore the state government had to accede immediately to the demand.
Last Saturday and Sunday, Oxchuqueros went into the streets to march, held a huge assembly with representation from the 97 communities and the 22 barrios of the municipal capital. There, they ratified Oscar Gómez López as their mayor-elect through uses and customs.

Mayor Oscar Gómez López and his Emiliano Zapata banner.
In an interview, Mayor Oscar Gómez López demanded that the state government and particularly the Treasury Secretary, release the Oxchuc municipal council’s bank accounts, because the situation has already reached a point at which it’s not possible to support some expenses they must make, like paying police, repairing patrol cars and buying gas.
Also, thousands of men, women and children are affected by the lack of ambulances, because these already are lacking or rather there is no longer any fuel for taking out the sick and injured from the more than 100 rural communities.
Gómez López said that the people have made the decision to block that stretch of highway again on January 18, to demand that the state government release the frozen bank accounts; and if they are not released they will block that highway stretch until they are heard. [1]
Blocking Oxchuc is a crisis for the state government because it paralyzes the economy, the movement of tourists and the local population that travels from the Highlands to the Jungle Region and the Northern Zone of Chiapas.
Gómez López said that the people of Oxchuc remain firm in maintaining him as mayor-elect through uses and customs and that in no way will they permit the return of the political bosses María Gloria and Norberto.
[1] Oxchuc residents maintained a roadblock on Wednesday and Thursday (January 18 and 19) to demand that the state government release the city’s bank accounts, because thousands of inhabitants are suffering the consequences of the lack of public resources like water, public services like garbage collection, security and patrolling, and health care and other matters. The state government and the members of the Permanent Commission for Peace and Conciliation, the body that heads the civil resistance movement against the region’s caciques, reached an agreement and they lifted the roadblock. In the evening, after lifting the roadblock, residents of Oxchuc heard shots fired into the air and believe they came from groups that support María Gloria. There is concern about an outbreak of violence in the town and in the municipality. http://www.chiapasparalelo.com/noticias/chiapas/2017/01/temen-enfrentamiento-en-oxchuc/
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Originally Published in Spanish by Chiapas Paralelo
Sunday, January 8, 2017
http://www.chiapasparalelo.com/noticias/chiapas/2017/01/celebra-oxchuc-dia-de-la-resistencia-civil/
Re-Published with English interpretation by the Chiapas Support Committee