
COMPAÑEROS of the CIDECI-UNITIERRA ANNOUNCE THAT the COMPARTE FESTIVAL IS ON

The Word on the Wall: Our struggle is for life and the bad government offers death as the future.
San Cristobal de las Casas, Chiapas, Mexico
July 8, 2016
To all of the artists participating and attending CompARTE:
To the national and international Sixth:
Brothers and sisters:
We send you fraternal greetings on behalf of all of those who make up CIDECI-Unitierra.
With regard to the celebration of the CompArte Festival convoked by our compañer@s of the EZLN, and convinced also that “the arts are a hope for humanity… [and] that in the most difficult moments, when disillusionment and impotence are at a peak, the Arts are the only thing capable of celebrating humanity” (EZLN Communique, 7/6/2016), we want to inform you that we are continuing preparations to celebrate this sharing-exchange from July 23 through July 30. Our CIDECI-Unitierra community will keep its doors open to receive all of the persons, communities, and collectives that have felt in their hearts this call to come share experiences of art, struggle, and resistance.
As of the initial CompArte convocation, we have been happy to be able to offer our grain of sand to this celebration. You can count on us to put all of our efforts into making you feel as welcome as possible. We await you here.
Chin up!
CIDECI-Unitierra
P.S. 1. All previously registered participants and attendees can collect their accreditation in CIDECI-Unitierra as of July 18, from 10am to 8pm.
P.S. 2. Anyone not yet registered can register directly at CIDECI-Unitierra, also between 10am and 8pm.
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Note: The Zapatistas announced that they are “suspending” their participation in the CompArte Festival so as not to detract from focusing on the teachers’ movement, but that the Festival can continue without them in locations outside Zapatista Territory.

Chiapas teachers unload food sent by the Zapatistas! Photo: Chiapas Paralelo.
By: Raúl Zibechi
The evolution of war in the last century, in relation to population, offers us clues about the type of society in which we live. Until the First World War the fighting happened between national armies, at the barricades, where big slaughters were produced that inflamed worker consciousness. They affected the population indirectly, because of the massive death of their sons and brothers. When they did it directly, most of the time they were “collateral damage” of the conflict or, occasionally, warnings to weaken the morale of those who were fighting at the front.
The Second World War changed things radically. From the Hamburg and Dresden bombings to the atom bombs over Hiroshima and Nagasaki, passing through the Japanese bombing of Chongqing to the German concentration camps, the objective passed to be the population. There is a before and after of that war and of the concentration camps, as Giorgio Agamben points out, since the camp as well as the “strategic bombing” became paradigms for modern war policy.
It’s not about the appearance of aviation as a central form of combat. To the contrary: aviation became decisive because the objective passes to being the population. Vietnam is another point of inflection. It is the first time that United States deaths are counted by the thousands, with a much greater impact than in previous wars. Starting from there, the air war doubles its importance for avoiding entering into body-to-body combat with the inevitable result of U.S. deaths.
Accumulation by dispossession (open sky mining, mono-crops like soy, and the mega-projects) has a logic similar to the current war, not only for the use of herbicides tried in the war against the Vietnamese people, but also for the same military logic: to clear the field of the population in order to seize the commons. For dispossessing/robbing, it’s necessary to take half away from that disturbed people; it is the reasoning of capital, a logic that is worth as much to the war as to agriculture and mining (http://goo.gl/OBH7an).
Therefore, it’s important to refer to the current model as “the fourth world war,” like the Zapatistas do, since the system behaves that way, including of course allopathic medicine that is inspired in the principles of war. The EZLN’s arguments square with those of Agamben, when he points out that domination of life through violence is the dominant mode of government in current politics, particularly in poor regions of the global south.
The brutal repression of the teachers in Oaxaca shows the existence of a totalitarianism disguised as democracy, which according to Agamben is characterized by “the installation, by means of a state of emergency, of a legal civil war, which permits the physical elimination not only of political adversaries, but rather of entire categories of citizens that for some reason turn out to not be able to integrate into the political system (El Estado de excepción, p. 25). The same author reminds us that since the concentration camps there has been no possible return to classic politics, which was focused on demanding from the State and interaction with the institutions.
How to name a form of accumulation anchored in the destruction and death of a part of humanity? In the logic of capital, accumulation is not a merely economic phenomenon, and thus the importance of the Zapatista analysis that places the accent on the concept of war. I want to say that the type of accumulation that capital needs in the current period, cannot but go preceded and accompanied structurally by war against peoples. War and accumulation are synonymous, to such a degree that they subordinate the nation-State to that logic.
The type of State adequate for that class of accumulation/war is the weak point of those who analyze “accumulation by dispossession” or “post-extractivism.” In these analyses, beyond the value they possess, I find several problems to be debated in order to strengthen the resistances.
The first is that it’s not only about economic models. Capitalism is not an economy; it is a system that includes a capitalist economy. In its current stage, the extractive model or accumulation by robbery is not reduced to an economy, but rather to a system that functions (from the institutions to the culture) as a war against the peoples, as a mode of extermination or of accumulation by extermination.
Mexico is the mirror in which we can watch the peoples of Latin America and of the world. The more than 100,000 deaths and the tens of thousands of disappeared are not a deviation of the system, but rather the nucleus of the system. All the parts that make up that system, from justice and the electoral apparatus to medicine and music (for just a few examples), are functional to extermination. “Our” music and “our” justice (and that way with all aspects of life) are part of the resistance to the system. They are broken off or separated from it. They don’t form part of a systemic whole, but rather they now make up “another world.”
The second question is that the state institutions have been formatted by and for the war against the peoples. Therefore it has not the least sense of dedicating time and energy to incrusting itself in them, except for those who believe (by ingenuity or petty interest) that they can governor them in favor of those below. This is perhaps the principal strategic debate that we face in this somber hour.
In sum, creating and caring for our spaces and protecting each other from above without letting us be seduced by its scenarios, becomes the vital question for our movements. We remember that, para Agamben, those secluded in the countryside are people that: “anyone can kill without committing homicide.” This way of seeing the current world better explains the facts Ayotzinapa and Nochixtlán than speeches about democracy and citizenship, which appeal to the system’s justice.
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Originally Published in Spanish by La Jornada
Friday, July 8, 2016
http://www.jornada.unam.mx/2016/07/08/opinion/019a1pol
Re-Published with English interpretation by the Chiapas Support Committee

Sponsored by the Chiapas Support Committee, “CompArte/SolidarizArte” is a parallel event to the Zapatista communities July convening of “CompArte,” a cultural festival uplifting the revolutionary intiatives of cultural workers, artists, painters, musicians, muralists, painters, actors, graffitti writers & artists, hip-hop, punk, rock, son jarocho… all forms of cultural and organizing work that resists war & racism, that envisions another world where narco-neoliberalism and capitalism do not rulle our lives and imagination.

A market scene in Nochixtlán, the capital of a large indigenous district. The police attack took place on a market day, thereby maximizing the number of civilians present.
By: Agustín Ávila Romero
The massacre in Nochixtlán, Oaxaca where 11 people lost their life, more than 100 were injured and 18 were removed from a funeral so that the Federal Police could present them as detainees, not only shows that grave democratic backwardness lives in Mexico, where a civilian demonstration is answered with the use of heavy-caliber firearms despite being prohibited for dissuading social protest in international protocols; it also shows the inability of the Secretary of Education, Aurelio Nuño, to start a dialogue and carry out an education reform that fully includes the actors in the process of teaching-learning in the impetus of education in Mexico.
But beyond freeing a path of communication, what are the reasons behind why the Mexican government would act this way? What hidden and open interests are expressed behind this massacre? Why the cruel federal police attack against inhabitants of Nochixtlán, and why in this place? We’re trying to get close to an answer.
The Peña Nieto government accomplished a series of constitutional modifications with structural reforms that make possible the dispossession of lands in campesino and indigenous zones of Mexico. Different than the reform of the 90´s, foreign capital today can fully invest and through the national energy law establish serfdom schemes –they’re defined that way- where the campesinos can receive rent only for oil, gas and mineral exploitation. In that regard it defines priority use as that of energy and minerals and below that food or cattle production. Said reform has been advancing strongly in states in the country’s north and particularly in Veracruz. The dispossession and affectations to health due to mining and fracking (exploitation of gas and oil through fracture of the earth with high-pressure water) already live and beat in many regions of Mexico.
But it’s in the states in Mexico’s south-southeast -where the agrarian tradition is strongest- where capital confronts resistances and a decided opposition to its interests. Coincidentally, on June 1, some days before the repression in Oaxaca, Peña Nieto issued the decree about Special Economic Zones, through which spaces for transnational capital (STC) are constructed that would permit them to construct the enclave infrastructure necessary for the exploitation and exportation of mineral, energy (like the wind farms already installed on the Oaxacan Isthmus) and agro-combustible resources that these zones possess.
Meanwhile, what is verified in the state of Oaxaca is the process of decomposition of social and community fabrics by means of violence that would permit taking advantage and full disposition of these zones in the dynamic of accumulation by dispossession that the foreign mining companies and national and foreign capital have that were auctioned in rounds 1 and zero last year.
This is grave. If we look at a map we can think that this process of erosion and violence of the commons, initiated with force in the state of Michoacán with the full domination of drug trafficking over many territories (we remember La Familia Michoacana and the Apatzingan and Tanhuato Massacres), under force in Guerrero where the massacre of the Ayotzinapa students in Iguala, showed the alliances of political power with drug trafficking and mining in the exploitation of gold in the region. And now it arrives in Oaxaca in a noisy way with this news that goes around the world. This tendency towards the South begs the question: after Oaxaca, does a new massacre follow in Chiapas? At the bottom of this Shock logic –taking a phrase from Naomi Klein- it’s looking to deterritorialize these spaces, in other words, that the inhabitants abandon their other productive logics and that campesino reasoning to completely impose on them their condition as paid workers and agricultural subordination to the needs of transnational financial capital.
The chief of the federal police and the one finally in charge of the Oaxaca massacre, Enrique Galindo, now adds to a long list of violent evictions and extrajudicial executions. He led the eviction of teachers from the Mexico City Zócalo in 2013 with various teachers beaten and gassed. On November 20, 2014, he also led the expulsion from the Zócalo of the big demonstration that the parents of the disappeared Ayotzinapa students headed. Under his command, the elimination of the autodefensas of Michoacán in Apatzingán left 16 deaths in January 2015 and in Tanhuato 43 people accused of being drug traffickers were dead.
Meanwhile, one cannot assert that Galindo does not possess experience in the theme. It was something coldly calculated that happened in Oaxaca last Sunday, what they did not foresee was that they would film them using firearms, which they continue denying as of this date.
Nochixtlán, Oaxaca, according to studies of EPN’s Secretary of Economy, has mining potential that dates from the colonial epoch in the case of gold and silver in the El Dorado and La Soledad mines and from the middle of the last century for Manganese. It has five areas of minerals: Huaclilla-El Parian, Buenavista, Jaltepec, Jalpetongo and La Joya. It maintains one of the highest averages of attaining minerals by the ton, and a potential for gas exploitation also exists in that territory. And it is a connecting zone between the mining zones of the Oaxacan Mixteca, where private companies like Minerales del Norte of the AHMSA Group have started iron exploitation, affecting the rights of the indigenous peoples.
According to information from the federal government’s Secretariat of Energy, more than 15 percent of Oaxacan territory (more than a million hectares) is already conceded to mining companies for exploration and exploitation. Among those companies, foreign and Mexican companies stand out like: Golden Trump Resources S.A de C.V, Linear Gold Corp, Arco Resources Corp, Zalamera, S.A. de C.V. filial de Chesapeake Gold Corp, Cemento Portland Cruz Azul, SCL, Fortuna Silver-Continuum Resources, Compañía Minera del Norte, Aurea Mining Inc., Linear Metals Corp, Radius Gold, Compañía Minera Plata Real, New Coast Silver Mines LTD, Aura Silver Resources Inc. and Intrepid Mines Ltd.
In February of this year, residents of 48 communities and representatives of 30 organizations demanded the cancellation of 400 concessions and 35 mining projects in indigenous zones of Oaxaca, civilian organizations like EDUCA, Tequio Juridico, Unión de Organizaciones de la Sierra Juárez de Oaxaca and Servicio del pueblo Mixe, among others, supported said pronouncement.
Criminalizing and murdering members of organizations like the Frente Indígena de Organizaciones Binacionales (FIOB), el Consejo de Defensa de los Derechos del Pueblo (CODEP), el Frente Popular Revolucionario (FPR) or the Oaxaca Commune, among other organizations, only has the objective of sowing terror in the state and thus being able to fully carry out mining activities with their consequent effects on indigenous life and culture, on the environment, on health and on social relations.
The strategy of territorial division is something that the political parties have done, but in this fight in particular the teachers have achieved confronting, and uniting the inhabitants of the different regions of Oaxaca, Chiapas and Guerrero, where the fight is not strictly for education vindications, but rather has now moved to the defense of territory, life and ecology. Perhaps that is what the federal forces detected in Oaxaca and, therefore, wanted to give this blow that would permit breaking those social and community bonds of self-management.
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Originally Published in Spanish by Desinformemonos
Thursday, June 23, 2016
http://desinformemonos.org/mineria-el-fondo-de-la-masacre-de-oaxaca/
Re-Published with English interpretation by the Chiapas Support Committee
WITH ROADBLOCKS, MARCHES, PROCESSIONS, PRAYERS AND TWO FEDERAL POLICE DETAINED, THEY PROTEST THE REPRESSION IN NOCHIXTLÁN

Indigenous people detain Federal Police in Huixtán, Chiapas.
Excerpt from an article in Chiapas Paralelo by Isaín Mandujano
June 21, 2016
With roadblocks, public pronouncements, processions and religious prayers, as well as the retention of two Federal Police, Indigenous peoples, campesinos, parents and teachers of Chiapas demanded a stop to the repression in Oaxaca and punishment of those responsible for the crimes committed during the eviction in Nochixtlán.
Teachers adhered to Sections 7 and 40 from the National Coordinator of Education Workers (CNTE) of the National Union of Education Workers (SNTE), blocked the two principal exits from Tuxtla: to Mexico City and to Los Altos of Chiapas.
From 9 o’clock in the morning to 6 o’clock in the evening, dissidents blocked accesses to the city. The C4 security system reported that a truck of the Bimbo Company was looted at Tuxtla’s western exit, where the teachers maintained a roadblock. Although it is not affirmed that those who looted the truck were teachers, a crowd was seen unloading boxes of bread.
At both roadblocks, the teachers distributed flyers repudiating the repression of the federal forces that left six dissidents dead and 21 Federales injured.
Federal Police detained in Huixtán
At the same time as this roadblock, two Federal Police agents that were found near the municipio of Huixtán were detained and tied up by indigenous Tsotzils that maintain a roadblock in solidarity with the teachers of Chiapas and Oaxaca. In the morning, the indigenous established the blockade on the San Cristóbal de las Casas-Palenque highway at the Huixtán location.
Meanwhile, the indigenous residents of Huixtán obliged the federal agents to speak with their superiors in Tuxtla Gutiérrez via telephone. They ordered them to tell their commanders that if they repressed the teachers in their roadblocks or in any other social movement, they would be killed and burned.
People of Faith from the jungle region march

Pueblo Creyente (Believing People) march with teachers in Tuxtla.
In the state capital, indigenous peoples from the parishes of Tila, Palenque, Salto de Agua, Tumbalá, Huixtán and other municipios marched in a procession to demonstrate their support for the teachers. They marched for several kilometers until reaching the central plaza, where the teachers’ occupation has been camped since May 15.
Marcelo Pérez Pérez, the parish priest of Simojovel, called to the police: “Señor police, you must not obey an order given by the government to kill people, because above all, must reign God’s commandment: Thou shall not kill. And if you obey such an order from the government, God asks you: Where is your brother? What have you done? Your brother’s blood cries out and his cry comes to me me from the earth.”
Later, he directed his word to president Peña Nieto: “You are the authority and your authority is for serving, not for repressing, much less for killing. Your obligation is to protect Mexicans. A law implemented with bullets is a law that is sinking.”
Two days earlier
On June 19, traditional dancers from the Chiapas city of Ocozocoautla (Coitecos) joined the teachers in another cultural march.

Coitecos march with Chiapas teachers
Compiled by the Chiapas Support Committee
June 26, 2016