
THEY ACCUSE THE MAYOR OF TILA OF REACTIVATING THE PAZ Y JUSTICIA PARAMILITARY GROUP

Members of the Tila ejido set county offices on fire.
From the Correspondents
Tuxtla Gutiérrez, Chiapas
Tila ejido owners, adherents of the Sixth Declaration of the Lacandón Jungle accused municipal president Edgar Leopoldo Gómez Gutiérrez of reactivating the paramilitary group Paz y Justicia (Peace and Justice) “in his service” and for “his ambition to control” the inhabitants of that Chol town.
In a comunicado, the president of the commission and the vigilance council of the Tila ejido place responsibility on Mateo Rey, from the Cruz Palenque community; Mateo Guzmán, of Agua Fría, and Don Pascual, of El Limar, for incentivizing the armed group’s activities.
The death or disappearance of 122 indigenous in Northern Chiapas and the displacement of more than 4 thousand indigenous Chols and Tzetzals in that region between 1995 and 2000 is attributed to Paz y Justicia.
The Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas Human Rights Center (Frayba), representative of the families of the victims, asserted that the paramilitary group’s actions responded to the Army’s low-intensity war against the Zapatista insurgency.
In November 1997, members of Paz y Justicia ambushed a pastoral caravan composed of the then Bishop of San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Samuel Ruiz García; the Bishop coadjutor, Raúl Vera, two catechists and the majordomo of the Señor of Tila Sanctuary, Manuel Pérez. Ruiz García and Vera López were not injured, but three others were.
“As of this date they have remained unpunished and they once again want to impose the (municipal) president by blood and fire; these people live from our taxes, they are aviators that get paid without working, and because of that the public works that the politicians promise are not finished in the communities, because part of the money is used for maintaining these shameful acts,” Tila’s ejido authorities exposed.
They pointed to Regino, from the middle zone of Tila, and to Nicolás, the rural agent of Unión Juárez community in the Tila ejido annex, as being some “spongers and traitors” and placed responsibility on them, together with three cited previously, for what might occur in the ejido.
They denounced that utilizing the Tile municipal government’s communications equipment, these individuals have started to coordinate the paramilitary group (named) Paz y Justicia for the purpose of submitting whoever may be in disagreement with the mayor’s decrees.
The comuneros (who are) adherents to the Sixth Declaration of the Lacandón Jungle of the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN, its initials in Spanish) expressed their fear of suffering an armed attack, because of which they alerted social and human rights organizations to be on the lookout for what may occur in the Tila ejido, located in the municipal capital.
The ejido owners demand the return of 321 acres that belong to them, according to the 1934 presidential resolution, because 72 years ago the county offices were illegally built on 128 acres of their land.
Last December 16 hundreds ejido members, who asserted having suffered harassment and arbitrariness, held a march that culminated with the burning and destruction of some areas of the county building.
They remembered that in 2008 the agrarian tribunal issued a resolution in favor of the ejido owners, but as it was not executed they went to the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation (SCJN), which has not resolved the case, allegedly because it would occasion a social problem, because it would be necessary to relocate practically all of the county seat.
In the comunicado the president of the Tila ejido commission and the vigilance council accused that rural agents from other ejidos that support the country council are provoking them.
“If they want the county council so much that they bring it to their communities, we will expel them because of the constant violations of our individual rights, as well as the violation of protective order number 73/2014, which was won so that the casino of the people would not be destroyed, without the permission of the general assembly of ejido owners,” they stated.
The Tila ejido owners agreed not to undertake any dialogue or negotiations with the governments, “because our lands are not negotiable or for sale and we will continue fighting to avoid any dispossession or against any imposition.
“In Mexico, the three levels of government always create violence, hiding behind the paramilitary groups at their service so that they can say afterwards that it is a conflict between communities,” they concluded.
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Originally Published in Spanish by La Jornada
Monday, December 28, 2015
Re-published with English interpretation by Compamanuel.com
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Indigenous peoples protest climate change in Paris.
By: Gustavo Esteva
In Mexico, the moral degradation, cynicism and corruption of the political classes became more and more evident, while the combined violence of legal and illegal forces continuously increased. Thus, a structure was consolidated that inside and outside the institutions seeks to subject the population to control and smother resistances and rebellions, inside of an undeclared state of exception.
Something similar, with very different degrees and modalities, occurs in the world. In the face of the political changes in Argentina or Venezuela, the persistent Brazilian political crisis, or events in Greece or France, betrayals, errors or weaknesses of the “lefts” are denounced or it warns about restorations or assaults on power from the “rights.” It characterizes what occurred as a setback of popular forces and a rise of capital, of its state administrators and the social sectors that support them. Trump would confirm this interpretation: millions of Americans support positions that even The New York Times classifies as fascist, at the same time that, in the United States and Europe, social behaviors that clearly have that character multiply. Just as 12 million Germans voted for Hitler in 1932 and 17 million in 1933, los media and other factors would be leading large groups to support governments and politicians of the “right,” even against their own interests. Thus the popular forces would be turned back and the neoliberal constellation would continue winning.
The Paris Agreement can be useful for illustrating what occurs and for trying to explain it. The conference that produced it was the result of the prolonged public demand to confront climate change. What they signed wasn’t good; the governments publicly proclaimed its merits and many applauded it without reservation, but it was rather a deceptive farce. Grain, for example, which represents a very qualified and respected opinion, pointed out that the agreement it not legally binding in the goal of reducing emissions, does not advance de-carbonization, it supports the industrial agricultural model, the generator of 50 percent of the emissions and protects that these will continue by means of actions that supposedly compensate them. The most serious is that, under the excuse of carbon “seizure,” it will now be openly supportive of geo-engineering, which for many is the principal cause of climate change.
Grain, as well as a good part of the demonstrators present in Paris, emphasized that what’s important is changing the “system,” not the climate. Since we’re talking about that, it doesn’t seem reasonable to ask it of the very same “system,” ensnared as it is in a destructive logic that it cannot stop by itself. As is continuously denounced, it’s killing the hen with the golden eggs and rapidly undermining its own basis for existence. The problem is that its suicidal behavior increasingly puts at risk the survival of the human species and life on the planet and can only be instrumented with a growing authoritarianism. First, an immense global effort was exerted to hold the conference, and later to make the decisions that are lacking. Does that make sense? Why continue trusting in the superstition that those governments and institutions are going to make decisions contrary to the interests of those who control them, that 1 percent that Occupy Wall Street denounced?
That would be the year’s principal lesson, which we are far from having learned. Awareness is more general all the time that the current predicaments cannot be overcome inside the framework of ideas, policies and practices that they produce; in other words, inside the current “system.” It’s not enough to change policies or modify the ideological composition of those who are in charge of the institutions. Nor is it sufficient to reform them. It’s illusory and superstitious to continue hoping that the “system” will correct itself, with the same or other leaders, as Paris and all the other cases prove. Therefore, we need to withdraw our trust from the same representation regimen and its electoral dispositive. We also need to withdraw from mere social mobilization, if it is only capable of producing the replacement of leaders, as the result of the Arab Spring demonstrated or of inducing marginal changes in the orientation of policies, as is proven everywhere and was proven in Paris.
At this point, the atrocious year allows a crack of hope. It’s underway everywhere, a reorganization from below that step by step transforms resistance into emancipation. The need for the apparatuses of capital and the market is dismantled and for its state administrators and new social relations are forged. Little by little, devices capable of stopping the dominant horror are established, so that the organized people themselves, not their representatives, leaders or delegates, realize the changes that are lacking. It’s not about another superstition or about mere utopias. It begins to be reality.
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Originally Published in Spanish by La Jornada
Monday, December 21, 2015
Re-published with English interpretation by the Chiapas Support Committee
ACTIVISTS ACCUSE POLICE OF MURDERING MIGRANTS THAT TRAVEL TO THE U.S.

Rubber rafts take people across the Suchiate River between Tecún Uman, Guatemala and Ciudad Hidalgo, Mexico.
** They maintain that those responsible belong to the Cusaem and Sepromex corporations
** The first one has million dollar contracts with federal government agencies and with the state of Mexico
By: José Antonio Román
Human rights defense organizations denounced the existence of private police corporations, with federal government contracts, which have committed grave human rights violations against migrants that travel through national territory towards the United States.
In a press conference headed by Leticia Gutiérrez, a religious woman of the Scalabrini order, who has developed widely recognized work in favor of migrants, it was reported that they already presented to the Attorney General of the Republic (PGR) a series of denunciations for eight homicides that can be attributed to members of the Auxiliary and Urbana Security Corps of the State of Mexico (Cusaem).
They pointed out that this private police corporation has million dollar contracts with different federal government agencies and with the state of Mexico.
For example, they said that since last July in the state of Querétaro the presence that corporation’s agents has been noticed along the railroad tracks from the state of Mexico to the city of Celaya, Guanajuato.
“That extra-police group has committed armed attacks, harassment, threats and aggressions against migrants. They also directly threaten collaborators at the dining room of the González and Martínez Migrant Stay,” they denounced.
After quoting testimonies of the migrants they attend to in their shelters, the human rights defenders denounced that that police corporation –whose members dress in black and carry high-powered firearms, permitted exclusively to the Army– has committed grave violations against migrants, like torture and illegal deprivation of freedom, and on many occasions there is complicity with federal and state police authorities.
Besides Cusaem, another corporation exists named Special Protection Services in Mexico (Sepromex, its Spanish acronym), which also has a list of human rights violations against migrants; it operates principally in the states in the center of the country and in the Bajío.
The denunciations were presented by Ramón Verdugo, from the organization Everything for Them; Leticia Gutiérrez, from Mission with Migrants and Refugees; Heyman Vázquez Morales, from the Home of the Migrant in Huixtla, Chiapas, and Martín Martínez, González and Martínez Migrant’s Stay, besides the priest Alejandro Solalinde, of Brothers on the Road.
The activists demand that the federal government modify the policy of violence evidenced in the Southern Border Plan and that it revise the concessions granted to private security companies, so that the harassment against migrants and against those who defend their rights.
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Originally Published in Spanish by La Jornada
Thursday, December 17, 2015
Re-published with English interpretation by the Chiapas Support Committee
“We, the Zapatistas, see and hear a catastrophe coming, and we mean that in every sense of the term, a perfect storm.”
–The Storm, the Sentinel and the Lookout Syndrome, Subcomandante Galeano, April 1, 2015.
Dear friends and supporters of the Chiapas Support Committee:
We believe that supporting the Zapatista indigenous communities, who are building autonomy and self-determination in Chiapas, is critical to strengthening and deepening our movements for peace and justice in the U.S. Every year since 1998, when the Chiapas Support Committee (CSC) was formed, we reach out to you who are active in these movements and to community-based organizers working for deep, social justice in our neighborhoods, cities and communities to express solidarity by giving a donation to support the Zapatista communities.
Join us in supporting the Zapatista communities! Give a generous donation to support the Zapatista autonomous education project for indigenous self-determination. Click here to give securely on-line. Or you can also mail your check or money order to: CSC * P.O. Box 3421 * Oakland, CA 94609
The Perfect Storm: Zapatistas of the World, Unite!
When the Zapatistas announced their calendar for 2015, two activities stood out:
The six-month Worldwide Seminar both piqued our interest and puzzled us. A month later, we also wondered out loud what Sup Galeano meant by “a perfect storm.” We had to wait a few months for the answers to our questions, but those answers turned out to be important.
The storm is coming to all of us, not just to Mexico, Chiapas or the Zapatistas. The storm stems from the complete domination of the world by international capitalist banking, but also from the loss of legitimacy of “traditional” institutions (political parties, government, judicial system, church, army, police, media, family).
We believe that many people in the U.S. can relate to that.
We see our young people unable to find living wage jobs, while student loans saddle them with a lifetime of debt to the banks. The mortgage meltdown, the cost of housing, real estate speculation, gentrification and displacement, global warming, the GOP control of Congress, the epidemic of police killings of people of color, a racially biased judicial system, the perpetual war and a communications media that doesn’t tell the whole story. Those are some of the issues confronting us. And the Zapatistas think this situation is going to get worse…
The Perfect Response: ¡Organize!
The Zapatistas are not just forecasting doom and gloom.
They’re urging everyone to ORGANIZE!
Hold meetings, talk to each other, share your dreams, your struggles AND organize, they tell us.
Many of us are already doing this. And the Zapatistas are urging that we dialogue across dreams and strategies, across colors and issues, and together build a more powerful movement whose voices can break down the barriers that keep us separated. Part of building this movement is being internationalists and for us that means supporting the Zapatistas.
While many of us can imagine how the Zapatistas organized their revolution, the Zapatistas decided to begin sharing their experiences and work of community organizing this year.
How did they share?
Through the Second grade, or level, of the Little Zapatista School, held via a secure video link with the password going to those who “passed” Level 1. The Zapatistas suggested that those who would receive it share the video with others. Three CSC members received the video and shared it with the rest of our collective.
Level Two of the Escuelita also included background reading from the Seminar on Critical Thought Versus the Capitalist Hydra, which has now been published as Volume I of a book with the same title as the Seminar. And, it turned out that the six-month Worldwide Seminar was for watching and analyzing the video, as well as the background materials, and preparing to share the ideas and experiences in as many ways as possible.
The theme of the storm that is coming ran through the many Zapatista “words” spoken at the Seminar and is now a theme in the writings of Zapatista inspired journalists.
The theme of organizing to prepare for and resist the storm also ran through the words of Subcomandantes Moisés and Galeano during the Seminar.
In the Level Two video, Zapatistas from all five Caracoles talked about how they formed their organization in the 10 years of clandestine organizing prior to the January 1, 1994 uprising.
They specifically say that they are giving us this information in case it would be helpful in our own organizing. The combination of the Seminar and Level Two of the Escuelitas was a seedbed of ideas for learning, sharing and for organizing.
Organizing at home and abroad
The Chiapas Support Committee offered three workshops on Community and Autonomy, which provided an opportunity to discuss these and other ideas.
The first workshop featured presentations by members of Can Batlló, a large collective based in Barcelona, which has occupied vacant commercial buildings and converted them into housing units. In an Oakland forum held by CSC, members of Can Batlló shared their experiences of taking over entire city blocks and buildings to construct autonomous community.
The second forum featured a presentation by Los Panchos (the Pancho Villa Popular Organization) from Mexico City that has constructed large and thriving autonomous communities there.
Finally, on November 17, to celebrate the 32nd Anniversary of the EZLN’s founding, CSC members shared their reflections on Level Two of the Escuelitas in a third workshop at Oakland’s Omni Commons. We talked about both the video and readings from the book Critical Thought versus the Capitalist Hydra I. The video consisted of Zapatistas from the five Caracoles talking about how they organized the work of forming their organization in the ten years of clandestine organizing prior to the January 1, 1994 uprising.
The experience of sharing our thoughts and ideas about Level Two was special for all of us. The evening ended with everyone singing the Zapatista Hymn, amazed at how the Zapatistas have evolved and endured during the past 32 years.
¡Support the Zapatistas!
Like the Zapatistas, we are evolving too. We are revising our on-line work, focusing more on the blog and our Facebook page. We are looking into the possibility of finding a workspace where we can hold meetings, classes and films, while working in solidarity with other movements. We will continue holding educational forums and workshops to better understand and support our own movements for autonomy and justice.
The Chiapas Support Committee continues deepening its commitment to support the Zapatista Education System in the Caracol of La Garrucha. We believe, like the Zapatistas, that all children should have an anti-capitalist education in which their own history, language and culture are taught. The education coordinators and promoters (teachers), the Good Government Junta and the regional assembly of La Garrucha are planning to build one or more secondary schools, possibly one in each of the four autonomous municipios (counties). Currently, there is no secondary school (middle school) in the region. It’s still in the planning stages. The CSC is waiting to find out how we can support this new effort. We are told it will happen before Christmas and are therefore starting to raise funds to support that project.
We’re asking you join us in supporting La Garrucha, as well as all other efforts in solidarity with the Zapatistas here and in Chiapas, with a generous contribution.
Your donation will go directly to support the Zapatista communities’ education work. Please click here: www.chiapas-support.org and click on the Donate button to contribute via Paypal.
Every contribution, big or small, is important.
We thank you from the bottom of our hearts for standing with us in solidarity with the Zapatistas and the indigenous-led movements for justice in Mexico.
In solidarity with peace & justice,
José Plascencia, Chair
For members of the Chiapas Support Committee
Alicia Bravo
Todd Davies
Francisco Díaz
Carolina Dutton
Arnoldo García
Jose Plascencia
Laura Rivas-Andrade
Blair Talbot
Mary Ann Tenuto-Sánchez

Subcomandante Galeano: “While above they accumulate capital below they accumulate rage.”
By: Raúl Zibechi
Secondary students brought down the Sao Paulo state government headed by the neoliberal Geraldo Alckmin, who had to withdraw his reorganization plan for the education system faced with massive rejection and strong youth mobilization. In these times of right-wing advances, the student triumph ought to be a reason for celebrations because it illuminates the future that we desire, one of resistances capable of disarticulating conservative plans.
In September the Sao Paulo government announced the reorganization of public teaching with separate centers based on three cycles, which would lead to the regrouping of the students, the closure of 93 centers and the transfer of 311,000 students. Immediately, teachers and students agreed that there would be school overpopulation and attributed the measure to an attempt to lower the cost of the education system.
In October the education workers’ unions and students carried out demonstrations, which impelled the ministry to speed up the reforms and announce the centers that would be closed. All of them are on the periphery, inhabited by the popular sectors, which already suffer a low-quality education.
The first state school was occupied on November 9, in Diadema, the center of a region with a long tradition of union struggle in the ABC Paulista (a region in the state of Sao Paulo on the periphery of the city of Sao Paulo). The occupation had the support of parents and teachers. One week later there were already 19 centers occupied, while justice denied the request to evict by deciding that the students didn’t want to appropriate the centers but rather to open a debate. There were more than 100 centers now occupied on the 23; las universities y unions began to take positions against the school reorganization. There were 196 centers occupied at the beginning of December.
At a certain moment the students decided go out in the streets, to cut off the avenues and diffuse the protest. According to the polls, 61 percent of Paulistas reject the government’s measure and 55 percent support the students, while the governor’s popularity fell to his lowest approval ratings. On December 4, Alckmin decided to postpone the school reorganization for one year.
It’s interesting to look at what happened inside the occupied centers. The students created work commissions to sustain the occupation: food, security, press, information, cleaning, external relations, among the most common. Besides the days work they hold assemblies, convoke debates with professors, parents and solidarity collectives about the most varied themes. They edited a manual (How to occupy a school), inspired in the recent struggles of the Chilean and Argentinian students.
They are thousands of youths from 14 to 15 years of age that are producing a formidable experience, confronting the authoritarianism of the social democrat-neoliberal government, challenging police repression and the media’s manipulations. A new generation of militant youths is living their experience. A movement that is born, becomes massive and triumphs in the midst of the Brazilian right’s largest offensive in many years, and that also shows that there is sufficient social energy, on the outside of the institutions, parties and unions, to change the state of things in Brazil.
The days of June 2013 are the antecedent and immediate referent of the current movement. June was a parting of waters. From that moment on the movements were reactivated, new grass roots organizations and collectives were born in all spaces of society, and the street was converted into the new scene of debates and protests. The militants of the Free Pass Movement, now divided, continues working in the peripheries, where new groups are born against the rising cost of transportation, against the State’s violence, feminist and cultural collectives, which now come together against the school reorganization.
But different than what happened in June 2013, where the dominant norms were large demonstrations that consumed a few hours of the participants’ time, the occupations “demand of the occupants that they assume being political protagonists of the events 24 hours of the day,” according to the analysis of the theater professional and militant Rafael Presto in Passapalavra (http://goo.gl/HP3glz).
Thus the occupations are “an intense formative process, a generation of militants formed in the heat of the struggles.” If to that is added that the occupied centers are converted into spaces where diverse struggles, social movements, artists, militant educators, territorial groups and groups of women converge, we can evaluate the importance of what happened in November.
The way I look at it, there are three aspects to emphasize.
The first is that the social and political energy from below has been capable of defeating an emboldened right, but one that must recede before the potency of the street. That should be a motive for reflection to those who bet everything on the institutions and cannot comprehend that the axis of change is in another place and with other styles.
The second is that the emancipatory energy is always born at the margins and among the youth. Without that youthful fire, of class and gender, possibilities for confronting a process of change do not exist. The last occasion on which Brazil registered a potent process of those below was in the 1970s, when the experience of millions of persons in the 80,000 faith-based communities (ethical commitment), young industrial workers and campesinos displaced by the green revolution, gave life to big organizations: the CUT, the MST and the PT.
Finally, as Presto points out, those who emphasize what the movements lack always appear. “They lack a political project,” they say, when in reality they want to say that: “it lacks a direction that puts things into an order,” of which they wish to become a part. But the young people are now organized, they are already militants, they just don’t aspire to form a part of the institutions that they reject because they are familiar with them. The stone is pierced from below.
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Originally Published in Spanish by La Jornada
Friday, December 11, 2015
Interpreted and Published in English by Compamanuel.com
THEY FORMALLY ANNOUNCE POPE FRANCISCO’S VISIT TO CHIAPAS

Pope Francisco gives his thumb up as he leaves at the end of his weekly general audience in St. Peter’s square at the Vatican, Wednesday, Sept. 4, 2013. (AP Photo/Riccardo De Luca)
By: Isaín Mandujano
This afternoon, the Archdiocese of Tuxtla Gutiérrez confirmed the visit of Pope Francisco to Chiapas, where he will live and will send a message to indigenous peoples and migrants from this southern border of the country.
Father Edilberto Pérez Vicente, coordinator of the Pope’s visit to Tuxtla announced in a press conference the official communication of the Mexican Episcopal Conference (CEM, its initials in Spanish) and confirmed that the Supreme Pontiff will be in Tuxtla Monday, February 15, 2016.
The “Missionary of Mercy and Peace,” as they call Pope Francisco, will arrive on a flight coming from Mexico City at the Angel Albino Corzo International Airport; from there he will fly in a helicopter to San Cristóbal de Las Casas.
At 10:15 in the morning he will officiate a mass with indigenous communities that will come from the different regions of the state, and it is hoped also from other corners of the country and from Central America.
It will be here where he is expected to make a pronouncement directed to the indigenous peoples and the migrants that cross this border on their route towards the country’s north.
After the mass he will eat with representatives of the indigenous peoples.
At 3 PM he will visit the San Cristóbal de Las Casas Cathedral, where se the tomb of Bishop Samuel Ruiz García is located.
Pope Francisco will fly in a helicopter to Tuxtla where he will head the “Meeting with Families” in the Víctor Manuel Reyna Stadium at 4:15 PM.
This would be the second visit of a Supreme Pontiff of the Vatican to Chiapas; the first was Juan Pablo II on May 11, 1990.
Pérez Vicente said that the Apostolic Journey to our country from February 12 to 17 next year, in the framework of the Extraordinary Jubilee of Mercy.
He added that the sites in which it would be carried out –the Primatial Archdiocese of Mexico, the Diocese of Ecatepec, the Diocese of San Cristóbal de las Casas, the Archdiocese of Tuxtla Gutiérrez, the Archdiocese of Morelia and the Diocese of Ciudad Juárez– “would have the pleasure of being the Pope’s hosts, as well as of the laity, the devoted, clerics and all people of good will that will come to represent the different dioceses and regions of the country.”
He said that the Pope’s presence would be to make a call to dignify life, as has always been his work. He added that they are prepared to receive some 100,000 in the San Cristóbal de Las Casas Municipal Sports Center and some 80,000 in Tuxtla.
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Originally Published in Spanish by Chiapas PARALELO
Saturday, December12, 2015
Re-published with English interpretation by Compamanuel.com
AUTHORITIES and TEACHERS ACCUSE EACH OTHER of PROVOKING TEACHER’S DEATH

This is an image published in a video in which hundreds of members of the security forces and dissident teachers maintain positions in Ocozocoautla, adjacent to Tuxtla Gutiérrez, at a crossroad that leads to the site of the teachers evaluation examination. To the left is the bus that allegedly ran over 3 teachers and was set on fire. Towards the center (with arrow pointing) is the body of the dead teacher.
By: Elio Henríquez, Correspondent
San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Chiapas
One teacher dead, six detained and five injured (three of them police) is the result of a confrontation that occurred between security forces and teachers of Sections 7 and 40 of the National Education Workers Union (SNTE, its initials in Spanish), when they attempted to boycott the teacher evaluation, the State’s Attorney General of Justice (PGJE) reported.
Education authorities originally announced that the exam would be held on the 12th and 13th of this month, but at the last minute decided to move it up to start on Tuesday, December 8; therefore, the teachers initiated mobilizations to attempt impeding their application.
The confrontation occurred at the crossroad that leads to the School National of Civil Protection –site of the exam–, in the municipality of Ocozocoautla, which is adjacent to Tuxtla Gutiérrez.
The PGJE asserted that the demonstrators tool possession of a bus that they set in motion for the purpose of running over a group of police, but upon carrying out the maneuver rolled over three of their compañeros, among them David Gemayel Ruiz Estudillo, a teacher from Section 40, who died.
On the other hand, Hugo Alvarado Domínguez, spokesperson for Section 7, explained that the teacher was run over by a police bus when they (the police) were attacking them (the teachers) “in a brutal and inhumane manner.” At the first barrier to contain the teachers, he explained, agents of the National Gendarmerie participated, and at the second, members of the Army.
Members of the police were “between 10,000 and 15,000, we were also thousands, but they were armed,” he emphasized.
Alvarado Domínguez detailed that during the confrontation three teachers, two normalistas and one father were detained
He commented that during the early morning hours the teachers detained some buses that were allegedly transporting teachers for presenting the evaluation, but in reality they were administrative workers of the very same federalized assistant secretary of Education.
Pedro Gómez Bahamaca, Secretary of jobs and primary level conflicts and part of the leadership of the SNTE’s Section 7, said: “They gassed us and attacked us, and we didn’t realize at that time that infiltrators took possession of the bus and therefore we are not able to accept the responsibility that they are pointing at us.” He demanded the liberation of the six detained.
The PGJE stated, about the deceased teacher that: “experts performed investigative work at the scene of the incident, among which they emphasize the lifting up of the cadaver and forensic genetics that permitted corroborating that the rear tires on the right side of the bus had traces of blood that corresponds to Ruiz Estudillo.”
He asserted that: “the position of the body and the drag of the AEXA line’s vehicle with license plates 664-HU-2, which stayed on the edge of the incident, also coincide.”
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Originally Published in Spanish by La Jornada
Published in English by Compañero Manuel
Wednesday, December 9, 2015