Chiapas Support Committee

Gustavo Castro’s stay in Honduras is risky

Oscar Castro, Gustavo’s brother, during the press conference held in Tegucigalpa, Honduras, where he denounced that: “the crime scene was altered.” To his right are Berta Cáceres’ daughters. Photo: Afp

Oscar Castro, Gustavo’s brother, during the press conference held in Tegucigalpa, Honduras, where he denounced that: “the crime scene was altered.” To his right are Berta Cáceres’ daughters. Photo: Afp

By: Blanche Petrich

Mexico’s ambassador in Honduras, Dolores Jiménez, affirmed that the risk that Gustavo Castro Soto runs by remaining in Honduras as a victim and the only surviving witness to a high-impact crime –the murder of Lenca [1] leader Berta Cáceres, last March 3– “is an objective fact,” and therefore the Chancellery has put its effort into achieving that the environmentalist can return to the country as soon as possible.

In a telephone interview with La Jornada, the diplomat emphasized: “what’s notable in Castro Soto’s case is that despite his vulnerability he it very willing to contribute in whatever may be required for the full clarification of the crime.”

Dolores Jiménez expressed that there are “high expectations” that the Honduran government will respond “as soon as possible” to the request that the Chancellery officially sent this Thursday so that Gustavo Soto, director of the organization Otros Mundos, with its headquarters in Chiapas, is permitted to return to Mexico before the 30-day time period expires that a judge set in La Esperanza, where the attack was committed. As of now, the judge’s prohibition on leaving Honduras does not expire for 26 days.

She assured that bilateral agreements between Mexico and Honduras are in effect for cooperation in judicial investigations, like this one, so that Castro would be able to continue amplifying his statements at a distance, from Mexico, by means of the Honduran Embassy. “It’s something very common and is practiced all over the world.”

The environmentalist leader is sheltered in Casa México, a building bordering the offices of the Mexican Embassy and that forms part of the official residence of Mexico in Tegucigalpa. The consul Pedro Barragán accompanies him all the time.

The ambassador pointed out that as of this moment the Honduran government has not responded in writing to Mexico’s request, delivered the day before yesterday (Thursday). She indicated that a communiqué from the Honduran government details the efforts that have been carried out with the Mexican in the process of investigating the murder of the Lenca leaders Berta Cáceres, “and it permits us to have good expectations” that he can return before the time that the judge set expires.”

Nevertheless, this communiqué, published by the Secretariat of Foreign Relations and International Cooperation and directed “to public opinion,” does not make any allusion to the case of Gustavo Castro. It only indicates that: “all lines of investigation are open” and are the object of “active and systematic efforts.” It reports that the agencies involved in the process are the attorney general’s office, the criminal investigations agency and the national police.

Yesterday, in a press conference, human rights organizations, Berta Cáceres’ daughters and a brother of Gustavo, Óscar Castro Soto, asked that, in the face of irregularities committed by the first judge of La Esperanza, in the southwestern department of Intibucá, the murder case record be assigned to another court.

Ambassador Jiménez declined to comment in that regard. “It’s not my business,” she said.

She explained that the Embassy of Mexico has offered the only witness to the crime consular protection from the first moment, “and it will continue offering all that he requires.”

She added that she would insist he be permitted to continue cooperating from Mexico through the Honduras representation. “It’s a very common practice all over the world. Honduras law permits it. There is a bilateral agreement in effect between the two countries for facilitating judicial cooperation in criminal matters.” She also emphasized that the protection that the Mexican government is offering is with full respect to Honduras law.

–Have you received an answer to the official communication from the Mexican Chancellery?

–No, as of now there is no written response. We hope that we will have a prompt and positive answer as soon as possible.

We observe that the State has expressed its commitment to an in-depth investigation and full clarification and punishment of those responsible. That is important. But above all is the protection of the witness’ life, if it should be at risk. One is not incompatible with the other.

–Does the government of Honduras recognize Gustavo as a victim?

–Of course. His legal situation here is that of a protected witness, as a victim and as a human rights defender with protective measures.

The ambassador specified that the witness is not able to stay in La Esperanza, where the case is followed, “because that’s where he would run the most risk. Although the judge ordered him to appear there to give his statements, the consul transported him to Tegucigalpa afterwards. The consul is with him at every moment.”

After emphasizing that: “nothing is superfluous in matters of security,” the diplomat explained the mechanisms that have been activated for the Mexican activist’s protection: a security operation of the Honduras government for his movements, the same security from the Mexican government and the precautionary measures from the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights.

–Why did the Honduran police intercept Castro Soto’s departure in the international airport when he was going to travel to Mexico? Why were the facts presented that way?

–There is a lot of clamor and at times a lack of immediate communication. The day that he was leaving for Mexico, after the prosecutor released him from his responsibility to make a statement, he thanked him and told him that he could leave. He returned to the airport with the consul after getting a plane ticket. But at the last minute a requirement arrived from the attorney general’s office that he had to continue making statements. We knew that a notification could arrive, but it didn’t happen and we decided to take him to the airport. The consul and I went with him. He was there when they delivered the notification. Then we took him back to the Mexican residence in the official car in which we had taken him. We made contact immediately with the authorities to confirm that in effect he was willing to continue giving statements in La Esperanza.

We were organizing a security operation all day Sunday and on Monday, March 7, it was activated at the first hour to take him to La Esperanza with all guaranties.

–Where does the process stand at this time?

–There has already been a bunch of formalities in which he participated in La Esperanza and therefore he is proposing to the Honduras government that he can leave the country and continue collaborating from Mexico in any amplification that is required. The conditions are appropriate for doing it now.

[1] Lenca – Indigenous people in southwestern Honduras and eastern El Salvador.

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Originally Published in Spanish by La Jornada

Saturday, March 12, 2016

http://www.jornada.unam.mx/2016/03/12/politica/003n1pol

Re-published with English interpretation by the Chiapas Support Committee

 

 

 

Ayotzinapa: example of apparent State-crime collusion

National Indigenous Congress banner in support of Ayotzinapa.

National Indigenous Congress banner in support of Ayotzinapa.

By: David Brooks, Correspondent

New York, March 2, 2016

The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) affirmed in an annual report on Mexico that the disappearance of the 43 Aytozinapa students is “an emblematic example of apparent collusion between State agents and members of organized crime,” and emphasizes that it is an example of the “grave deficiencies” of investigations into these kinds of cases, such as the “structural and almost absolute impunity” in the grave crimes that occur in the country.

“Mexico is going through a grave crisis of violence and security since several years ago,” in large measure because of the “war against drug trafficking” impelled by ex president Felipe Calderón, and by increasing the role of the armed forces in tasks of public security “even greater violence has been let loose, as well as grave human rights violations in which one observes a lack of accountability in accordance with international standards,” points out the extensive annual report entitled The situation of human rights in Mexico, which the IACHR issued today.

Without “substantial changes”

In a summary of the human rights violations and impunity, the report emphasizes that “substantial changes” in security policies are not offered under the current regime, while disappearances, extrajudicial executions and torture continue, as well as women’s insecurity, migrants, human rights defenders and journalists.

Although it recognizes the measures that the government of Enrique Peña Nieto has taken, among them some constitutional reforms and protocols for the investigation of certain human rights abuses, it indicates that: “the State response faces deficiencies, insufficiencies and obstacles in their implementation. The IACHR established a profound breech between the legislative and judicial scaffolding and the daily reality that millions of people in the country experience in their access to justice, prevention of crime and other government initiatives. Time after time, throughout the country, the IACHR heard from victims that the procurement of justice is a simulation.’’

In fact, it emphasizes that despite the change of government at the end of 2012, “there would not be substantial changes in relation to security policies and the levels of violence,” and it’s clear about all the denunciations of disappearances, extrajudicial executions, torture and citizen insecurity, but especially of women, migrants, human rights defenders and journalists.

It affirms that: “Mexico is also considered one of the most dangerous countries in the world for exercising journalism, excepting those that are at war.” It quotes the United Nations High Commissioner on the number of 151,233 homicides from 2006 to August 2015. It also points out that on September 30, 2015 the Mexican State reported 26,798 persons “not located” or disappeared on a national scale.

Around the disappearances, “not a new phenomenon,” the IACHR considers the information “grave” about “the existence of a practice of enforced disappearances at the hands of State agents,” or with their participation and an almost total impunity.

It criticizes the failures in the investigations about the disappearances and emphasized that: “the current crisis of grave human rights violations that pierces Mexico is in part a consequence of the impunity that persists since the guerra sucia (dirty war) and that has championed its repetition until today.” Moreover, it affirms that relatives of the victims have reluctance of going to the authorities, as much because of suspicions of complicity as because of lack of attention.

“The relatives’ finding of graves with dozens of cadavers set forth clearly that they are the ones that faced with the State’s lack of action have assumed the search for loved ones, while the authorities don’t fulfill their duty to investigate, find, identify and deliver the victims with due diligence, as they should.”

In this context, the report broaches the enforced disappearance of the 43 normalistas in Ayotzinapa, which ‘‘constitutes a grave tragedy in Mexico, as well as a call for national and international attention about the disappearances in that country.” The case, it adds, “is a sample of the grave deficiencies that investigations about these acts suffer and the structural and almost absolute impunity in which these grave crimes usually remain. It’s also an emblematic example of the apparent collusion between State agents and members of organized crime.”

At the same time, the IACHR manifests its “gratitude” for the “opening” of the Mexican State to international scrutiny and the work of the Interdisciplinary Group of Independent Experts (GIEI, the group’s initials in Spanish) around the facts of Iguala.

The report also focuses on the use of violence by agents of the State, including the cases of Tlatlaya, in the state of Mexico in 2014; the Apatzingán case, and the confrontation at the border between Tanhuato and Ecuandureo, Michoacán in 2015, making clear the necessity of measures for authorities to render accounts.

“The practice of torture in Mexico is alarming and is also generalized,” the report states. According to official numbers, the Attorney General of the Republic (PGR) has, as of the month of April 2015, 2,420 investigations in process about torture, but only 15 judicial sentences exist for that crime on the federal level. It adds that in the investigation into the facts in Iguala –even with its high profile– 77 percent of the individuals investigated showed bodily injuries.

In its diagnostic, the Inter-American Commission points out that: “the lack of access to justice has created a situation of impunity of a structural character that has the effect of perpetuating and in certain cases impelling the repetition of grave human rights violations. The threats, harassment, murders and disappearances of persons that seek truth and justice have generated an intimidation in Mexican society.”

Therefore, it concludes: “In actuality, the challenge for the Mexican State is to close the existing gap between its legal framework and its unlimited support for human rights with the reality that a large number of inhabitants experience when they seek prompt and effective justice. The State’s big challenge lies in breaking the cycle of reining impunity for the purpose of attaining an effective prevention, investigation, processing and sanction of those responsible for human rights violations.”

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Originally Published in Spanish by La Jornada

Thursday, March 3, 2016

Re-Published with English interpretation by the Chiapas Support Committee

 

 

Honduran government is preventing Gustavo Castro from leaving |Sign petition

Gustavo Castro Soto

Gustavo Castro Soto

[Please sign the Petition at bottom of post demanding Gustavo’s safety!]

By: Hermann Bellinghausen

Mexico City

 Today, the environmental organization Otros Mundos A.C./ Friends of the Earth Mexico reported that Honduras authorities impeded Gustavo Castro Soto from leaving the country. Castro Soto is the Mexican that was injured in the assassination of Honduran activist Berta Cáceres.

This Sunday at 5 o’clock in the morning, Honduran authorities intercepted Castro at the immigration bridge of the International Airport in Tegucigalpa, Honduras, when he was attempting to board the plane that would take him back to Mexico, the organization said in a communiqué.

“We communicate that Gustavo Castro Soto, coordinator of Otros Mundos A.C./Friends of the Earth Mexico continues in Honduras and his personal security continues to be at risk,” the statement added.

The group reported that Mexican diplomats had to protect Castro in the official car to take him back to the Embassy.

“We continue without knowing clearly what his status is or on what basis the Honduran authorities continue to hold him and what proceedings will follow,” the communiqué said.

Unknown subjects murdered Cáceres, a 43-year old prestigious Honduran indigenous and environmental leader, last Thursday, March 3 in her home, the authorities said.

A teacher by profession, Berta Cáceres was known for her fight to stop hydroelectric and mining projects on the lands of the ethnic groups.

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Originally Published in Spanish by La Jornada

English interpretation by the Chiapas Support Committee

Sunday, March 6, 2016

http://www.jornada.unam.mx/ultimas/2016/03/06/impiden-la-salida-a-gustavo-castro-en-honduras-5609.html

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Click on the English link below to urge Gustavo Castro Soto’s immediate protection

http://movimientom4.org/2016/03/urgent-action-we-urge-immediate-protection-for-gustavo-castro-injured-during-the-assassination-of-berta-caceres/

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Chiapas activist witnessed Berta Cáceres murder

The Mexican activist Gustavo Castro Soto. Foto: Moviac

The Mexican activist Gustavo Castro Soto. Foto: Moviac

By: Isaín Mandujano

San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Chiapas (apro) –

Mexican activist Gustavo Castro Soto [1] witnessed the murder this morning of the indigenous environmentalist Berta Cáceres, an attack perpetrated in her house located in the El Líbano neighborhood of La Esperanza, in Intibucá, Honduras.

Castro Soto, a sociologist by profession, was injured during the attack on the Lenca leader and coordinator of the Civic Council of Popular and Indigenous Organizations of Honduras (Copinh).

The police confirmed that Soto is a protected witness and could contribute elements that will permit clarifying Cáceres murder, Honduran newspaper La Prensa emphasized this afternoon.

Human rights defenders and members of the organization Otros Mundos, AC protested this afternoon in this Chiapas city because of the murder of Berta Cáceres and they also demanded assurances of security and protection for the Chiapas activist and environmentalist Gustavo Castro, who was imparting capacity-building workshops in Honduras.

Members of the organization Otros Mundos AC, founded by Castro Soto, demonstrated publicly together with other activists to express their anger over the murder of Berta Cáceres, and at the same time said that they are worried about the status of the Chiapas activist’s physical condition.

The protesters confirmed that: “this morning armed individuals violently entered the house and murdered Berta Cáceres, an attach in which Gustavo Castro was injured. He survived the attack and thus became an actor key to the investigations that will clarify the environmentalist’s murder.

“Berta as well as Gustavo are two people recognized for social and environmental struggle on an international level, which shows the coherence of their lives dedicated to the defense of the rights of indigenous and campesino peoples, who they have accompanied in their resistance processes so that in a peaceful and organized manner, they might avoid the neoliberal project of the regional governments that appropriate Mesoamerican territory through their deadly extractive projects,” friends and compañeros of both activists pointed out in Chiapas.

Therefore, they asked the Honduras government for its prompt attention, intervention and follow up “to this lamentable and most grave event in the life of the Honduran people. We ask you to provide all possible legal and political measures to guaranty immediate protection to our compañero Gustavo Castro so that, once he has given his statement to the Honduran State, he can return to Mexico without problems.”

They also indicated that at this time it’s fundamental to guaranty protection and the life of Gustavo Castro because of the relevant role he acquired in this lamentable murder.

At the same time, they demanded that the security of all the members of the General Coordinator of the Copinh be guaranteed.

Members of the Mesoamerican Movement against the Extractive Mining Model (M4), the Mexican Network of those Affected by Mining (Rema) and Otros Mundos Chiapas organizations participated in the protest.

[The article continues with a list of other Latin American organizations that added their names to the demand.]

[1] Gustavo was formerly one of the founders of Ciepac (the Center for Economic and Political Investigations for Community Action) in Chiapas, an NGO that gave talks to Chiapas Support Committee delegations to Chiapas. The Ciepac went out of business about 5 years ago. The Chiapas Support Committee sponsored Gustavo Castro when he spoke at La Peña in 2005.

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Originally Published in Spanish by Proceso.com.mx

Friday, March 3, 2016

En español:

http://www.proceso.com.mx/432289/defensor-mexicano-presencio-asesinato-activista-hondurena

Re-Published with English interpretation by the Chiapas Support Committee

 

 

 

EZLN: The arts, sciences, original peoples and the basements of the world

THE ARTS, SCIENCES, ORIGINAL PEOPLES and THE BASEMENTS of the WORLD

ZAPATISTA NATIONAL LIBERATION ARMY

Mexico

Sup Galeano in La Realidad

Sup Galeano in La Realidad

February 2016

To: Juan Villoro Ruiz

Brother:

I’m happy to hear that the rest of your family bajo protesta [i] are well, and I appreciate your serving as messenger to send them our greetings and gifts (although I continue to think that ties, ashtrays, and vases would have been a better choice).

As I picked up my pen to continue this conversation with you, I remembered your text “Speech on the rain” (Almadía Press, 2013), written, I believe, for the stage, which I read imagining, clumsily I’m sure, the set and the gestures and movements of the actor delivering the monologue, feeling the intervention more than witnessing it. The beginning, for example, is a summary of my life: the laconic “I lost my papers!” of the first line would make for an encyclopedia if I anchor it in the calendars and geographies of this continual lapse and relapse that I have been.

Because inevitably, after the opening line in an epistle, I lose my point (the “tonelada” (ton), as the compas say when referring to the “tone” of a song). That is, I depart from the concrete objective of the letter. It’s true that clarifying who will receive the letter could help, but often the recipient is a brotherly ear for whom the idea is to provoke not necessarily an answer, but always a thought, a doubt, a questioning, not of the kind that paralyzes but the kind that motivates more thoughts, doubts, questions, etceteras.

So perhaps, as for the librarian-lecturer who is the protagonist in your piece, words come that weren’t purposefully sought out, but rather were just there, lying in wait, pending a moment of inattention, a crack in the everyday in order to accost the paper, the screen, or that wrinkled sheet of “where-the-hell-did-I-leave-oh-here-it-is-when-did-i-write-this-nonsense?” The words then cease to be shield and barricade, lance and sword, and become, very much to our chagrin, a mirror in which one is revealed and kept awake at night [devela y desvela].

Of course, the librarian can turn to their aisles flanked with bookshelves, with their alphabetical and numerical order, their calendars and geographies drawing a map of literary treasures. They can look for the “o” in “oblivion” and see if there they can find what was lost. But here, in this continual moving around, the idea of a library, even a minimal and mobile one, is a chimera. Don’t think I didn’t look with unfounded hope upon the idea of electronic books (on a “USB” or “pen drive” or “external memory” one could load if not Borges’ library than at least a small one: Cervantes, Neruda, Tomás Segovia, Le Carré, Conan Doyle, Miguel Hernández, Shakespeare, Rulfo, Joyce, Malú Huacuja, Edurado Galeano, Alcira Élida Soust Scaffo, Alighieri, Eluard, León Portilla and the magician of words: García Lorca, among others). But no, like the librarian loses papers, I lose USB drives and who knows where they end up.

But believe me, we all have our embarrassing fantasies. In the USBs of electronic books there was usually a miscellaneous selection of authors, perhaps under the assumption that the drive would be lost and the authors would be together and, maybe, I don’t know, after all, literature is a genre of the impossible concretized in words, they could have a “sharing exchange” among themselves.

Literature is a place where it rains,” you have the protagonist say, having fallen into misfortune and been obliged to strip down, without the clothing of his writing, to show himself for what he is: vulnerable.

So imagine a USB with these or other artists of the word. Imagine it begins to rain. Imagine what they talk about among themselves as they try to make sure a raindrop doesn’t ruin the binary code in which they live and thus begin the misunderstandings: 0-1-0 –stain-1-smudge-0-0-smudge-1 or whatever, and from there emerges the “how dare you!” and then the back and forth of “fuck you” and “I’ll beat the shit out of you,” “go to hell,” “vous êtes fou”, “va’ fa’ ta culo,” while Alcira hands out mimeographed copies of his “Poesia en Armas” [Poetry in Arms], something I think won’t do anything to calm the belligerent attitudes. In sum, all of the happy expectations ruined… because of the rain.

Of course, mutatis mutando,[ii] in your letters it is a cat who provides the meager public for the speaker, and here it is a cat-dog with a little light who may be disconcerted by what I write, as if a cat-that-is-a-dog-that-is-a-cat-that-is-dog with a little light curled up in the shadows wasn’t disconcerting enough.

Do I digress? That seems most likely. After all, this impossible exchange on a USB that trusts that the rain will not ruin its colloquium is just a fantasy.

But if for the speaker the subject at hand is the rain, in this missive the subject is… the storm. Allow me then to take advantage of these lines to continue our exchange of reflections on the complex crisis that approaches, according to some, or that is already here, according to others.

Someone has said that our vision (captured now in the typography of the book “Critical Thought Versus the Capitalist Hydra: Contributions from the Sixth Commission of the EZLN”) is apocalyptic and closer to Robert Kirkman’s “The Walking Dead” (the comic and the television series it inspired or didn’t) than to Milton and Rose Friedman and their “Freedom to Choose” (the book as well as the economic policies that make it their alibi). They have said that we are mistaken because we are not sufficiently orthodox, or mistaken for being too orthodox. That nothing is going to happen, that upon arising each morning whatever one wants for breakfast will be available, that the neighbor’s dog will continue barking at the trash truck, that upon opening the tap what will come out is water and not the sound of the hereafter. That we are just big ugly birds of ill omen, who in any case don’t have media or academic impact (two things that are increasingly the same).

In sum, that the machine functions and that everyone is where they are supposed to be. The jolts are sporadic and they are only that, jolts, and the turbulence is passing and can be chalked up to the fact that somebody is resisting being where they should be. That it’s just like when a watch breaks because a gear or spring has come out of place, and the State is the “watchmaker” that gets rid of the broken piece and substitutes it with another.

The Apocalypse (everything included)? A universal flood? Humanity imprisoned on the apparently eternal or immortal train from Snowpiercer (the film by the South Korean Bong Joon-ho, titled “Rompenieves” on the “alternative production” DVD that was sent to me—and which I now can’t find) and reproducing within itself the same inhumanity that, wanting to solve global warming, induced the cooling of the planet?

Nothing could be further from our thinking. We Zapatistas don’t believe the world is going to end. We do think that the world we currently know is going to collapse, and that its implosion will give rise to a thousand human and natural tragedies.

If this implosion is already in process or is yet to come is still something that has to be debated, argued, investigated, affirmed, or denied. But as far as we know, there is no one who dares to deny it. Everybody up above accepts that the machine is failing, and they trot out a thousand and one solutions, always within the same logic of the machine. But there are those who want to break with that logic and assert: humanity is possible without the machine.

In any case, given what we are, we are not so worried about the storm. After all, the original peoples and the dispossessed of Mexico and of the world have lived through centuries worth of storm. If there is anything one learns below, it is how to live in adverse conditions.

Life then, and in a few cases death, is a continual struggle, a battle fought in every corner of the calendars and geographies. And I’m not talking here about global battles, but about personal ones.

As one can conclude from a careful read of our words that our message is one that goes beyond the storm and its pains.

It is our belief that the possibility of a better world (not a perfect nor a finished one, we’ll leave that for religious and political dogmas) is one without the machine, and this possibility rests on a tripod. More accurately, it rests on the interrelation between three columns that have endured and persevered, with their ups and downs, their small victories and great defeats, throughout the brief history of the world: the arts (with the exception of literature), the sciences, and the original peoples along with the basements of humanity all over the world.

Perhaps you ask yourselves, in part out of curiosity and in (large) part out of direct interpellation, why I have put literature in an exclusive category. I will get to that a little further on.

You will note that, abandoning the classics, I haven’t included politics among the paths to salvation. Knowing us a bit (despite the fact that we now don’t appear even buried in the interior pages of the press, we do have our own abundant bibliography for anyone who has honest interest in knowing what Zapatismo is about), it is clear that we are referring to a classical politics, politics “from above.”

Listen, Juan, brother, I know that this is all heading toward not another letter but really a whole library, since that is what we’ve been talking about, so allow me to leave that point pending. Not because it is less important or transcendent in the storm, but because “I’m on a roll” as the compas say and if I follow whatever tangent that words tempt me with, there is a serious risk that this letter will never get to you, not because of the rain but because it will never be finished.

I have used “the arts” because it is the arts (and not politics) that delve most deeply into the human being and rescue its essence. It is as if the world continued to be the same, but that through art we could find the human possibility among so many gears, screws, and springs humorlessly grinding away. In contrast to politics, art doesn’t try to readjust or repair the machine. Rather, it does something more subversive and disconcerting: it shows the possibility of another world.

I put “the sciences” (and I refer here especially to the so-called “formal sciences” and “natural sciences,” considering that the social sciences have a few things yet to define—note that this doesn’t imply a demand or exigency) because they hold the possibility to reconstruct something atop the catastrophe that “operates” across the entire world territory. And I am not talking about “reconstruction” in the sense of taking what has fallen and putting it back together in the image or semblance of its version before the tragedy. I am talking about “remaking,” that is, “to make anew.” And scientific knowledge can reorient the desperation and imbibe it with its real meaning, that is, “cease to hope.” And anyone who ceases to hope can begin to act.

Politics, the economy, and religion divide, parcel up, split apart. The sciences and the arts unite, connect, convert borders into ridiculous cartographic points.

But, its true, none are exempt from the fierce division of classes and they must choose: they either contribute to the maintenance and reproduction of the machine, or they contribute to the demonstration of its necessary abolition.

It is as if instead of re-labeling the machine, prettying or tuning it up, art and science put out, upon the superficial chrome surface of the system, a laconic and definitive sign: “EXPIRED,” “Time’s up,” “to continue watching, deposit another world.”

Imagine (your generation must have heard some John Lennon; mine is more about sones and huapangos), imagine that everything that gets spent on politics (for example, elections by way of the vote and elections by way of war, equally antidemocratic—“politics and the economy are the continuation of war by other means” Clausewitz would have said had he started from social science) went instead to the sciences and the arts. Imagine if instead of electoral and military campaigns there were laboratories, centers for research and dissemination, concerts, expositions, festivals, bookstores, libraries, theaters, cinemas, and countryside and cities where what reigned were the sciences and the arts rather than the machines.

Of course, we Zapatistas are convinced that this is only possible outside of the machine. And that the machine must be destroyed. Not readjusted, not shined up, not made “more human.” No, destroyed. If something of its remains are useful, it will be as a reminder not to repeat the nightmare, like a landmark one can see in the rearview mirror as that path is left behind.

But we don’t doubt that there are those who think or believe that a readjustment is plausible without altering its functioning, by changing the engineer or assuring that the most luxurious train cars redistribute their riches so that something (not much though, no need to exaggerate) gets to the cars at the tail end. Of course, this is always accompanied by the emphasis that everyone is exactly where they belong. But candidness, brother, tends to be one disguise for perversity.

I have mentioned the original peoples and the basements of the world, yes, as they are the ones with the greatest capacity to survive the storm and the only ones with the capacity to create “something else.” Someone will have to respond tomorrow to the question, “Is there anyone on Earth?” And here the word presents, not without provocative flirtation, another detour that, for the good of this missive, I will avoid with my renowned restraint.

I commented before, in a sarcastic and argumentative tone, on “the arts except for literature.” Well, that’s because I think (and this is an individual opinion) that literature must create ties between the three legs of the tripod, and make clear, happily or not, their interrelation. Literature must be, “The Witness.” But, most likely I am mistaken and it’s just that, in this hand of cards, I have uncovered the “Joker” in order to ask “Why so serious?”

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What do we want? The key to understanding the subterranean message of Zapatismo is in the small stories that, in the form of the little indigenous girl who calls herself “Zapatista Defense,” appear in the book “Critical Thought Versus the Capitalist Hydra.”

Imagine what, because it is necessary and urgent, seems to be impossible: a woman who grows up without fear.

Of course every geography and calendar adds its own chains: indigenous, migrant, worker, orphan, displaced, illegal, disappeared, subtly or explicitly abused, raped, murdered, forever condemned to add burden and sentence to the condition of being a woman.

What world would be birthed by a woman who could be born and grow up without fear of violence, harassment, persecution, disrespect, exploitation?

Wouldn’t that world be terrible and marvelous?

So if at some point they ask me, a ghostly shadow with an impertinent nose, to define Zapatismo’s objective, I would say: to make a world where a woman can be born and grow up without fear.”

Note: I’m not saying that in this world those kinds of violence wouldn’t be lying in wait for her (most of all because the planet could end several times over and still not be rid of the worst of our condition of being men).

I’m also not saying that there aren’t women without fear already. Their rebellious determination has won them that victory in daily battle, and they know that battles can be won, but not the war. No, not until any woman in any corner of the world’s geographies and calendars can grow up without fear.

I am talking about a tendency. Could we affirm that the majority of women are born and grow up without fear? I don’t think so, and probably I’m mistaken, and I’m sure there are figures, statistics, and examples that show I’m mistaken.

But, within our limited horizon, we perceive fear, fear because one is small, fear because one is big, fear because one is slim, fear because one is fat, fear because one is pretty, fear because one is ugly, fear because one is pregnant, fear because one is not pregnant, fear because one is a little girl, fear because one is a young woman, fear because one is a mature woman, fear because one is an elderly woman.

Is it worth it to put effort into that step, into life and death in such a chimera?

We Zapatistas say yes, it is worth it.

And to that task we give our lives, which may be little, but it is all we have.

_*_

Yes, you are right that there will be no lack of those who call us “naïve” (in the best of cases, because in all languages there are cruder synonyms). I like this word processor, with its free and open source software, because every time I want to write “case” or “cases” the spellcheck proposes “chaos.” I think the free software knows more about devastating storms than I do.

In sum, what was I saying? Oh! The lost words, their shipwreck in papers or bytes, the original peoples and the basements of humanity converted in Noah’s Ark, the sciences and the arts as life-saving islands, a fearless little girl as compass and port…

Eh? Yes, I agree with you that the result of all of this has more chaos than case, but this is only a letter that will be, as all letters should be, converted into a paper airplane with the intimidating insignia of the “Zapatista Air Force” drawn on one side, and there it goes looking for its destination. Who knows where you are Juan, brother bajo protesta. [iii] Like grandmothers used to say (I don’t know if they still do), “calm down son,” and get into a jacket or an embrace because it’s cold and “the topic at hand, you know, is the rain.”

From the mountains of the Mexican Southeast,

Subcomandante Insurgente Galeano.

Mexico

February 2016

En español: http://enlacezapatista.ezln.org.mx/2016/02/28/las-artes-las-ciencias-los-pueblos-originarios-y-los-sotanos-del-mundo/

Translator’s Notes:

[i]Bajo protesta” can mean both reluctance/protest and “under oath.” As used here, it would seem to indicate a reluctance.

[ii] The Spanish uses “mutandis mutando,” a riff on the Latin Mutatis mutandis (meaning “the necessary changes having been made” or “once the necessary changes have been made”) using the verb “mutar,” to mutate.

[iii] Here again “bajo protesta” can mean both reluctance/protest and “under oath.” Again, it would seem to indicate reluctance.

 

 

Zapatistas convoke 2016 activities

ZAPATISTAS CONVOKE 2016 ACTIVITIES


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February 29, 2016

Considering:

First: That the serious crisis that shakes the entire world, and that will only worsen, puts the survival of the planet and the entire population, including human beings, at risk.

Second: That politics from above is not only incapable of coming up with and constructing solutions, but is also among those directly responsible for the catastrophe already underway.

Third: That the sciences and the arts rescue the best of humanity.

Fourth: That the sciences and the arts now represent the only serious opportunity for the construction of a more just and rational world.

Fifth: That the originary peoples and those who live, resist, and struggle in the basements of the entire world possess, among other things, a fundamental wisdom: that of survival in adverse conditions.

Sixth: That Zapatismo continues betting, in life and death, on Humanity.

The Sixth Commission of the EZLN and the Zapatista bases of support:

CONVOKE ARTISTS, FORMAL AND NATURAL SCIENTISTS, COMPAÑER@S OF THE NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL SIXTH, THE NATIONAL INDIGENOUS CONGRESS, AND WHATEVER HUMAN BEING WHO FEELS CALLED, TO THE FOLLOWING ACTIVITIES:

ONE: TO THE FESTIVAL AND SHARING EXCHANGE “CompARTE FOR HUMANITY” WHICH WILL TAKE PLACE July 17-30, 2016.

All those who practice ART can participate. For Zapatismo, an artist is anyone who considers their activity as art, independent of canons, art critics, museums, wikipedias, and any other “specialist” schemas that classify (that is, exclude) human activities.

The festival will have two major events:

The first will be at CIDECI, San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Chiapas, México, and in any other venues and alternative calendars that are implemented according to the attendance confirmed. All persons, groups, and collectives who register and/or have been invited can participate in this event. The deadline for registration is up to and including June 15, 2016. The email where you can register for this activity is compArte@ezlnorg.mx.

The other will be at the Caracol of Oventik, Chiapas, Mexico. In this event only Zapatista bases of support will offer their artistic expressions. To this end, from the month of February through the month of June, 2016, in the Zapatista communities, regions, and zones, tens of thousands of men, women, children, and elderly Zapatistas will hold meetings and festivals to decide the forms of their artistic expression and select who will participate. The Zapatista part of the festival will begin July 17, 2016.

Invited and registered artists can offer their art itself or a reflection on it.

Entry is free (with previous registration).

TWO: To the FESTIVAL IN HOMAGE TO THE NATIONAL INDIGENOUS CONGRESS for its 20 years of struggle and resistance, TO BE HELD OCTOBER 12, 2016, at CIDECI in San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Chiapas, Mexico. In the days before and after the event, the National Indigenous Congress will hold the activities it considers pertinent in the place or places it determines. Registration for observer-participants in the festival in honor of the CNI can be made at the following email: CNI20aniversario[at]ezln.org.mx.

THIRD: To the gathering “The Zapatistas and the conSCIENCES FOR HUMANITY” TO BE HELD from December 25, 2016 through January 4, 2017, at CICECI in San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Chiapas, Mexico.

In this gathering, participation in the discussion will include ONLY invited formal and natural scientists, in addition to, and as students, Zapatista young people, bases of support, who will present their doubts, questions, and inquiries to the attending scientists. Although entry is free (with previous registration), only the invited scientists and the Zapatista young people who have been selected to attend by their communities, regions, and zones will be able to take the floor to speak. There will be no exam for the students; but for the scientists…well, good luck with the questions. To register to attend as escuchas (listeners), use the following email: conCIENCIAS[at]ezln.org.mx .

We will share more details in the coming days.

From the mountains of the Mexican Southeast

Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés

Mexico, February 2016

————

Originally Published in Spanish by Enlace Zapatista

February 29, 2016

http://enlacezapatista.ezln.org.mx/2016/02/29/convocatoria-zapatista-a-actividades-2016/

 

 

 

 

EZLN: Why don’t you self-prescribe this?

EZLN: WHY DON’T YOU SELF-PRESCRIBE THIS? [1]

Zapatista National Liberation Army

Mexico

To the Federal Judiciary Council of Mexico:

In all this time the only terrorists have been those who for more than 80 years have so badly governed this country. You are simply the sink where those who commit genocide go to wash their hands and together you have converted the judicial system into a poorly built and clogged latrine, the national flag into a reusable roll of toilet paper, and the national shield into a logo made of undigested fast food. Everything else is pure theater in order to simulate justice where there is only impunity and shamelessness, feigning “institutional government” where there is nothing more than dispossession and repression.

So, prescribe yourselves this (the graphic images):

250216_prescribanse-1-768x988-1

The Captions read: (Left) From 6 feet under, The deceased and sorely missed (ha!) SupMarcos

 (Right) Why so serious?  I adhere and subscribe (not prescribe/expire):

SupGaleano

 Authorized by the General Command of the EZLN

Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés

Mexico, February 2016

P.S. So, does this mean the Tampiqueño [2] is now free to leave the community and go out for some stuffed crabs? He’ll pick up the tab, of course, otherwise forget it. So he is free now to do what any other Mexican can do? That is, now he’s free to be exploited, mocked, defrauded, humiliated, disrespected, spied on, extorted, kidnapped, murdered, disappeared, and to suffer all those insults to his intelligence from those who say they govern this country? I mean, I’m asking because this is the only thing the “institutions” guarantee any citizen in this country who isn’t above.

Translator’s Notes:

[1] On February 23, 2016, Mexico’s Federal Judiciary Council determined that the outstanding charges and arrest warrant against then Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos were extinguished as a matter of law because the statute of limitations expired after 21 years (February 1995 to February 2016). The charges were for the crimes of terrorism, sedition, mutiny, rebellion, and conspiracy. This comunicado is in response to that determination and plays on the different meanings of the Spanish verb prescribir, which can mean to prescribe (like a remedy) or to extinguish (as in a legal provision). The Mexican Judiciary says his arrest warrant “se prescribe” (is extinguished) and the EZLN answers: “why don’t you “autoprescribirse” (self-prescribe)… this.” Then, the images of middle fingers appear.

[2] “El Tampiqueño” – Refers to a male person from Tampico. In 1995, the Mexican government claimed that it knew the real identity of Marcos. Therefore, it filed charges and issued an arrest warrant against the person they claimed was Marcos. That person is originally from the Mexican state of Tampico and so the EZLN refers to the person as the “Tampiqueño.”

Originally Published in Spanish by Enlace Zapatista

http://enlacezapatista.ezln.org.mx/2016/02/25/asi-que-mejor-autoprescribanse-esto/

 

 

 

 

EZLN: And in the Zapatista communities?

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Zapatista National Liberation Army

Mexico

February 2016

To the compañer@s of the Sixth:

To whom it may concern:

Compañeroas, compañeros and compañeras:

Now we are going to tell you a little bit about the Zapatista communities, where the support bases resist and struggle.

What we are going to share with you now comes from reports by the Zapatista compañeras and compañeros in the communities who are coordinators for their commissions (for example, health, education, youth, etc.), autonomous authorities, or other organizational coordinators. But along with the compas of the Comité [CCRI] we checked to make sure this information wasn’t a lie, that things hadn’t been altered so that the good things would appear and the bad things would remain hidden. The work of these writings is not to lie to our compas of the Sixth or to those who support us and are in solidarity. We won’t lie to you, to them, nor to anyone else.

If things are going badly we will tell you so clearly, but not so that you feel even more sad on top of everything that is happening in your own geographies and calendars. We tell you because it is our way of being accountable, of letting you know what’s happening and so that you know if we are on the path we said we were on or if we have wandered off that path, perhaps repeating the same vices we criticize.

But if we are on the right track, well we want you to know that too in order to bring joy to the collective heart that we are.

How do we know if we are on a good or bad path? Well, for us as Zapatistas it’s very simple: the communities speak, the communities rule, the communities do, the communities undo. The very moment someone heads down a bad path, the collective quickly gives them what is more or less a knock on the head, and they correct themselves or they’re out.

This is our autonomy: it is our path, we walk it, we get things right, we make mistakes and we correct ourselves.

In sum, we tell you the truth because we imagine you are sick and tired of lies. And truth, while sometimes painful, is always a relief.

So we don’t want to be like the bad governments that recently put on a lot of makeup, apparently to please the visitor so that he wouldn’t see what was happening below. But all that makeup only served to show how false the government is. In other words, what reasonably intelligent person wouldn’t see the truth? Now whether that person admits or denies what they see, that is something else and that’s on them.

Okay then, without more fanfare. What we share with you here is happening in addition to what was already explained in the Zapatista Little School textbooks. If you didn’t attend the Zapatista Little School in community or from elsewhere or you don’t know what the textbooks say, we recommend you read them. There you will learn all about the process of the construction of autonomy.

What we are going tell you about now is new, new things that have since appeared, things that weren’t there a year or two ago.

Zapatista growth continues, and more and more young people [jovenes y jovenas] are joining.

In the area of health, the compañeras and compañeros are doing well. We see that there are fewer patients at the autonomous clinics because the work of prevention has grown substantially and the autonomous health promoters attend to the people. Meaning, the people get sick less. Those who are in fact arriving more and more at the Zapatista autonomous clinics are the partisans [people affiliated with political parties].

In the area of education, primary school education is equally available everywhere. But there is a new demand from the communities: middle school and high school education. In some zones there is already a middle school, but not everywhere. There are now young people who are demanding higher education. They don’t want workshops, but higher education in the arts and sciences. But they don’t want a capitalist education in the institutional universities, but rather an education that respects our ways. In this sense we still have a lot to do.

In the area of economy, and not counting what already existed and is maintained through collective and individual work (cultivation of corn, beans, coffee, chickens, bananas, sheep, cattle, vegetable gardens, honey, as well as the supply stores, livestock sales, and other products), what we have seen is that overall production has grown, which has improved our nutrition and health, above all for the young people and children.

In some zones the autonomous health promoters are already being trained to perform ultrasounds, working in the laboratory, holding general medical consultations, and practicing dentistry and gynecology. In addition they carry out preventive health campaigns in their regions. In one zone, the profits from a collective livestock project were used to buy laboratory equipment and an ultrasound machine. They already have compañeras and compañeros trained to operate these devices, which is an outcome of the health promoters of one Caracol teaching those of another Caracol; in other words, they are teaching each other. Another hospital clinic is already under construction where minor surgeries can be carried out, similar to what already exists in La Realidad and Oventik.

Regarding work on the land, the corn cultivation and cattle-raising collectives have grown substantially. With the profits from that work, in addition to buying medicines and equipment for the clinics, the bases of support have bought a tractor.

In the autonomous stores there are no fancy name-brand clothes or the latest fashions, but there is no lack of slips, dresses, blouses, pants, shirts, shoes (the majority of which are made in autonomous shoemaking shops) and everything anyone might want to cover their private parts.

Those who have advanced the most in production and commercialization are the compañeras. A few years ago, with the fruit of the collective work of the comandancia, the comités and the insurgents (yes, we also work in production in order to generate income), a portion of our earnings were sent to each autonomous municipality so that the compañeras bases of support could start a collective of whatever kind they desired.

And they turned out to be much better administrators than the men; in one municipality the compañeras not only put together a successful cattle collective, now they are advanced to a point where they are giving their cattle “al partir” to other communities that have women’s collectives (We Zapatistas say “al partir” to mean that what is earned is divided in half, and one half is given to another party).

The same thing has happened with the cooperative stores: now they are making loans to other collectives or communities in the region, and sometimes even to individual compañeras.

All of the autonomous municipalities have collective projects for cultivating corn and some have livestock. All of the regions have collective work that produces profit. For example, in a recent celebration, the regions all contributed to funds for the cow that they ate at the festival and to pay the musicians.

The great majority of the communities have collective projects. In a few the compañeros don’t have collectives but the compañeras do, and in some communities there are two collectives, one of compañeros and one of compañeras. Individually they all struggle to make a living and they have been able to advance. Milician@s as well as insurgent@s work in production collectives in order to support themselves and to help support the communities.

In the Caracol of Oventik they now have an autonomous tortillería. We don’t know how much a kilo of tortilla costs in your geographies, but in Oventik it’s at 10 pesos a kilo. And these tortillas are made out of corn, not Maseca [processed cornmeal]. Even the public transportation vehicles make special trips to buy their tortillas there. Corn is not produced in the Highlands Zone of Chiapas where the Caracol of Oventik is located. The corn is produced in the Jungle regions and then bought and sold between collectives in the zone so that Zapatista families can get corn at a good price and without middlemen. For this commerce they use trucks that were donated to the Juntas de Buen Gobierno [Good Government Councils] by good people who we won’t name here, but they and we know who they are.

In many Zapatista communities around 50% of people work in collectives and the rest work individually. In some, the majority work individually. Although collective work is promoted, individual work that doesn’t exploit other individuals is respected. Collective work and individual work are not only sustaining themselves but are growing.

The collectives are organized according to local decisions. There are collectives at the community level as well as men’s, women’s, and young people’s collectives. There are regional and municipal collectives. There are zone level collectives and Junta de Buen Gobierno collectives. When one collective does well, it supports the other collectives that are behind or slower. Or, in some regions, the collective production of food goes to the warehouses that supply the autonomous middle schools.

_*_

The news of all these advances made doesn’t come from the Zapatista commanders; in other words, it doesn’t come out of the heads of a few people, but rather from the sharings among the communities themselves.

In those sharings they talk about their work, their advances, their problems and their errors. In that process many new ideas are exchanged among them. In other words, the compañeros and compañeras are learning from each other.

Of course we as authorities also learn a lot from our Zapatista compañeras and compañeros.

The things we see and hear are terrible and marvelous, so much that we don’t know what will come of all these advances.

Right now we won’t tell you about the rearming of the paramilitaries, the increase in military, air, and land patrols, and everything the bad governments do to try to destroy us. We won’t enter into details because we know well that you all don’t have things easy either, that your resistances and rebellions suffer aggressions every day, every hour, and everywhere. And we know that nevertheless, you continue rebelling and resisting.

But we also know that you know that everything that we are telling you about here takes place in the midst of aggressions, attacks, harassment, slander, and complicit silence. In the midst of a war, that is.

And although in dark periods, like that of the present, there emerge all types of “merchants of hope,” the Zapatistas don’t let ourselves be taken in by ecclesiastic, secular, or lay nonsense of those now calling for a “new constituent”[i] that will “save us” and that rely on the same old methods of coercion that they criticize, and that lie about the alleged support of the EZLN while trying to rewrite history under the guise of obsolete “vanguards” that, as of quite awhile ago, ceded their legacy.

The EZLN does not support selling people little mirrors. We are in 2016, not 1521, wake up already. [ii]

_*_

Compas of the Sixth, Sisters and Brothers of the National Indigenous Congress:

With everything that is happening and the threats that pursue us, the Zapatistas are preparing ourselves for the worst, for what is coming.

We are not scared. Not because we are foolhardy, but because we trust our compas.

Indeed, it looks like in the face of the storm that is shaking heaven and earth all over the world the Zapatista support bases have grown. It is as if now is when their ability, wisdom, imagination, and creativity shine brightest.

In reality what these words are meant to do, more than inform or provide an accounting, is to embrace you [iii] and remind you that here, in this corner of the world, you have compas that, despite the distance of calendar and geography, have not forgotten you.

But not everything is going well. We will tell you clearly that we have identified a failure: the Zapatista women are advancing more than the men. That is, there is not equal development.

Everyday less and less remains of that time when the man was the only one who brought money into the home. Now in some zones it is the women’s collectives that are employing the men. And there are more than a few Zapatista homes where the woman is the one who gives money to the man so that he can buy his shirt, his pants, his bandana, and his comb in order to look handsome for the upcoming activities that we will soon announce.

Because maybe we are dirty, ugly, and bad, but this is for sure: we are well groomed.

From the mountains of the Mexican Southeast,

Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés

Subcomandante Insurgente Galeano.

Mexico, February 2016

——-

From the Notebook of the Cat-Dog:

Fragment of a conversation between some partisans and some Zapatistas:

Partisans: The EZLN doesn’t receive government programs like Procampo, Prospera, or Nuevo Amanecer for the Elderly?

Zapatistas: No.

Partisans: Who subsidizes you as an organization?

Zapatistas: We are organized and we work together as support bases, we govern, and we have collective work projects. That is how we generate economic resources to sustain our resistance.

Partisans: How can we as civil society organize ourselves and how can you advise, guide, and teach us?

Zapatistas: Look at the situation of the free media or the National Indigenous Congress. We are not here to say or decide how you should organize yourselves or to give your organization a name. The people must think and decide what to do and how they will organize..

Partisans: What should we do?

Zapatistas: Our idea is to take down the capitalist system.

_*_

Report on the conversation that took place in the wee hours of the night in the month of February, between those two they call Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés and SupGaleano:

SupMoy: A recent report said that there are death threats and that the government wants to attack the Caracols in order to crush Zapatismo, because we make the government look bad.

SupGal:…

SupMoy: It says they are looking for me and for you, in order to kill us.

SupGal: To kill us? It isn’t to arrest us? Take us into custody?

SupMoy: No, the report says “to kill them.”

SupGal: Son of a…. and why me? This is racist-colonialist-hetero-patriarchal-Euro-centrism. You’re the spokesperson, you’re the one they should be after. I’m just the last bastion of Zapatista machismo, which is obviously in clear retreat. And anyway, why such violence? Before they would just say “detain,” “take into custody,” or “arrest warrant,” but now, “kill”? Plus, I’ve already died several times; don’t they take that into account? Why don’t they just accept it and write down “mission accomplished.” But don’t change the subject on me, I was telling you not to put that part about the women’s collectives in the communiqué.

SupMoy: And why not?

SupGal: Because if we include that we’re going to look bad to members of the masculine gender. A whole tradition of film by Pedro Infante and songs by José Alfredo Jiménez is at risk of disappearing. Are you in agreement with the erasure of ancestral cultures? No right?

SupMoy: Well as the ‘deceased’ used to say, Rome is fucked, because I already put that part in the communiqué.

SupGal: What!! And what about gender solidarity?

SupMoy: It would be better to think about how to get the men to try harder so that their collectives advance.

SupGal: Okay, okay, okay. We have to go back to our roots, as they say. I’m going to do a special program for Radio Insurgente. Game of Thrones has nothing on us; this is going to be all songs by that great comrade and leader, the first of his name, king of Garibaldi, father of dragons, and gentleman of “siete leguas”: [iv] Pedro Infante.

SupMoy: Hahahahaha. They’re not going to air it. The programming is run by a compañera.

SupGal: Son of a…. Damn the women’s revolutionary law! And what about José Alfredo Jiménez?

SupMoy: Oooh even less likely.

SupGal: Hmm… how about the Bukis then? The Temerarios? Brindis? Los Tigres del Norte? Piporro?

The discussion went on like that until the cat-dog, grooming its toenails, determined: woof-meow.

It was the wee hours of the night, and it was very cold, but despite a shadow looming over the surface of the earth, a tiny light illuminated the word “resistance.”

I testify, under oath of gender.

Note: This text was written on a word processors with open source free software, with operating system GNU/Linus, distro UBUNTO 14.04 LTS, on a very exclusive and well-known name brand computer “Free handout Z.A of V.C. of L.R” (i.e. “Z.A is “Zapatista Autonomous”; “V.C. is “Virtual Cooperation”; “L.R” is “Ludic Rebellion”), model “Deus Ex Machina 6.9,” “restored (it broke, but we put it back together like a jigsaw puzzle) in the Zapatista Alternative High Technology Department (DATAZ, by its Spanish acronym). Okay, okay, okay, the apparatus ended up as a three-dimensional figure that we call “KEKOSAEDRO”—because nobody knows exactly what it is now—and there were a few cables and screws leftover when we finished but it works well… until it doesn’t work anymore. “UBUNTU” in the Zulu language also means “I am because we are.” Say ‘yes’ to free software. Fuck Microsoft, Apple, and so forth (if you know what I mean)! Linux rules! [English in the original]

230216_ubuntu

Notes:

[i] This reference is to a recent call from some in Mexico for the establishment of a new constitutional assembly.

[ii] The authors refer here to the historical legacy of European would-be conquerors trading beads and mirrors in exchange for enormous tracts of land and vast riches.

[iii] Abrazarlos, abrazarlas, abrazarloas is used for “embrace you” in order to give a range of possible gendered pronouns including male, female, transgender and others.”

[iv] “Siete Leguas” was the name of Pancho Villa’s horse and a “corrido” often sung by Pedro Infante.

===================================

Originally Published in Spanish by Enlace Zapatista

http://enlacezapatista.ezln.org.mx/2016/02/23/y-en-las-comunidades-zapatistas/

EZLN: And meanwhile in the partisan communities

mx}ezln

ZAPATISTA NATIONAL LIBERATION ARMY

Mexico

February 2016

To the compañer@s of the Sixth

To whom it may concern

Compas and non-compas:

What we tell you comes from the very own voice of indigenous partisans that live in the different zones of the southeastern Mexican state of Chiapas. Although these partisans belong to, sympathize with or collaborate in the different institutional political parties (PRI, PAN, PRD, PVEM, PMRN, PANAL, PT, PES, PFH… and others that will be added from here to 2018), they have in common having received aid programs from the bad government and being human material for votes and earthly and celestial acarreos (carries) [1], besides, clearly, being indigenous and Mexican.

What you will now read not only has not appeared, does not appear, nor will appear in the local, national and international paid press; it also contradicts point by point government propaganda and the praises that its media sing (very bad, of course).

In synthesis, they are demonstrations of a crime: the “legal” dispossession of lands, history and culture of indigenous communities that believe that the bad governments and the partisan organizations are to help them. We have omitted the real names of communities and persons at the express request of the speakers, who, in some cases, fear reprisals; and in other cases because of the shame and mocking that they suffer because of the offense suffered.

The protagonists are only a small part of the victims of a war, the most brutal, terrible, bloody and destructive in world history: a war against Humanity.

We only give some examples because there are many, although the lie and the suffering are equal partners in all of them. Here goes then:

What is written is what is happening in the partisan communities.

It’s apparently not believed but now what we tell you is a fact, as the support base compañer@s tell us and say to us, and as the non-Zapatistas say in the communities, what is now being suffered in their towns. This is apart from what they are suffering in the other towns of the compañeros and compañeras of the National Indigenous Congress in our country, which is not well known because there are no communications media that get the information out, because the majority of the media are paid-off.

This that we write about is a thing of less than a year ago.

We see as if we were in an underground Drone to see how the partisans of below are, far from the governmental statistics and paid insertions in the media.

On the one side of La Realidad, in a community -good, it will continue being a community if they are going to defend themselves, because you will see what happened there-. They are not Zapatistas, but partisans.

A cattle project arrived there from the bad government. It gave cattle to all those that are ejido owners, not in common, but rather individually; individually their cows, their horse, it mounting, its corral, wire for enclosing it, salt and in common it gave them a veterinary medicine chest.

And then the people are very happy. They even have their posters and T-shirts that the government supplies. And the rulers had their photo taken and paid the media-for-pay so that they put it in big headlines: “Yes, the partisan communities advance, the Zapatista (communities) are the same or worse than in 1994.” The functionaries noted in their story that they spent a lot to hide what they stole: so much for them, so much for the governments, and another so much for the media-for-pay.

But it turns out that news travels around like a blind “Chicken Little” that doesn’t know where to go: that El Chapo already escaped for the second time, that they already grabbed him for a third time, that the Pope already came, that the Pope already left, and meanwhile in any corner of Mexico or of the world, they beat up-raped-incarcerated-murdered-disappeared-someone-unimportant. And so the news is part of the system, in other words it’s also merchandise. And it sells out if it tells, and it sells out if it’s quiet. And so the media receive more money for telling… and much more money for keeping quiet.

But not much time passed: as for one of those ejido owners in the town that receives government support, need took hold of him and he sold a cow. When we say “need or necessity” we mean that he had an emergency, like a grave illness. Then the project inspector came and started to count the cows, one-by-one, which he had given them, and well one of the cows he had given them was missing, in other words one of the ejido owner’s cows was missing. Then the inspector asked where the other cow is and the man answered: “I sold it out of necessity.” And the inspector told him: “you cannot sell it, why didn’t you ask permission? You have to buy one of the same value and the same size and breed.” And the ejido owner told the inspector: “but how, Señor, if I already exhausted the money due to necessity, where do I find the money to buy the similar one?” And the inspector responds: “that’s not my problem, it’s your problem, buy a similar one, that’s all, and if you don’t then we’re going to take away all the others.

Not even a month passed and the bad little inspector came back and meets with the ejido owners and there is where he says to everyone dice, takes out the bunch of papers and shows the people and says, in other words the inspector says to the people: “all these papers are ready, the receipts, invoices for everything that you have received from the government, therefore the land is no longer yours, you must leave and better be good, because if not it’s going to be bad for you. If you leave in a good way it’s now ready where you are going to live: in Escárcega, on other words in the state of Campeche, or you leave for the Chimalapas.

In other words, in all that time in which they were happy for the bad government’s support, in reality they were taking care of cattle that were not even theirs, like peons. And all the papers that they signed, with their ejido acts and their voting credentials, were in reality that they were wrongly selling their lands without knowing it.

That’s where the smiles ended, and then came pain, sadness, grief and rage.

Because in that place is a tourist zone. It’s where the Jataté River leaves a few islands that are very beautiful. That’s what the rich men that live off of other people’s money want. That is happening in the X community, official municipio of Maravilla Tenejapa, by the border with Guatemala.

Do you know where Los Chimalapas are? Yes, on the border with the state of Oaxaca. Do you know that there are frequently conflicts there, because of land problems, between Oaxacan and Chiapan campesinos? Good, because they are going to increase. The federal and state governments are using that place to relocate those who are displaced from their lands. That is what government populism does: it doesn’t resolve problems, it is making them bigger and moving them to other geographies so that they break out again in other calendars.

The people’s needs don’t matter to the bad governments and the party members of above. All their campaigns and social programs are not only a big lie and a source of money for enriching themselves, they are also a means for dispossession.

But let’s continue hearing and watching the partisans:

In the zone of the Caracol of Garrucha (but also in other zones) we relate what happened: in the W, X and Y communities they have received the “Pro Árbol” projects, there are more towns, but they don’t tell us about them. They HAVE told about those three communities, therefore we tell you. All three are about party members in the official municipio of Ocosingo, Chiapas.

The government has now prohibited all those communities from cutting trees for their needs, like firewood for cooking leña, and wood for the construction of their homes. The people now say that they now fear what is going to happen to them and that it only gave them a piece to make their milpas from low-growth woods and if they cut medium-growth woods they are fined. Then if they need to change a board on their champas, [2] they have to buy the board at the sawmills. The sawmills are those of big companies and they can cut all the trees they want, where the campesinos can’t cut. If they need firewood for cooking, well the campesinos have to buy it in another place and carry the thirds of firewood to their homes, walking with their load along the same road where the big trucks circulate with gigantic trunks from trees cut on the lands of the comunidad where their inhabitants cannot cut firewood “to take care of the ecology.”

Where does the campesino get the money to buy that board that he needs for his house or that firewood for cooking? Well from the governmental programs. What does one need to receive the government’s alms? Well, presenting minutes from the assembly, the credential, the CURP [3] and all those papers that mark persons just like the cattle and the trees are marked. Marks that are accordingly to give identity to individuals and what they do is take it away from them: no longer are they so and so, but rather the number such and so.

And for what do the bad governments want those papers? Well, to show that the campesinos legally sold their lands, and to be able to evict them, and legally displace them to other lands legally invaded. And so on.

But, how are the women in the partisan families? Well we’re going to tell you what the partisans say:

In 2 communities, X and Y, the women left to receive their projects, but the government told the young (unmarried) women to leave too and that the appointment is in Tuxtla Gutiérrez, which is the capital of the Mexican state of Chiapas, where the governor and his functionaries live. Well it turns out that, arriving in Tuxtla, they took the young women to one side and left the married women on another side. But it turned out that among the young women that they took was a married woman by mistake. And she communicated with her husband and told him that they have them enclosed in a house for 3 hours. And the unmarried women tell that they were obliged to have sexual relations. And right now it is being told in the community what it is that the functionaries are doing: they oblige them to have sexual relations in exchange for distributing the project. For example a young woman, was had problems because they obliged her to have sexual relations, and she asked her mother what it’s like the first time, if it’s painful to have sexual relations de por. And her mother asked her daughter: “why, daughter, what is it, why do you ask about that?” And the young woman had to tell her mother what happened in Tuxtla.

In other words the bad government is again imposing the right of pernada (when a young woman was going to get married, the finquero or estate owner had the right to rape the young woman) on the partisan communities. They govern per se and are seen like the finqueros and estate owners of before. And, like before, they receive the blessings of the High Clergy, which opens the doors of the cathedrals to them so that, through money, they receive the sacraments, forgive their crimes and rapes, and again pose, pure and smiling, in the photos of the paid press and on television. That is what the governors and functionaries do that pray with devotion and are first in line to receive the church’s blessings.

Hell on earth is blessed that way.

And the young party members?

What we’re telling you now we cannot tell of what town or towns, but it turns out that 2 mestizo men saying that they work with impresarios and that are looking for workers and that they know that there are those who want to go to work in the North and that it’s difficult to get there, and that they are positioned to take them and right away to the job. It turns out that those two recruited 9 youths. Months later, one achieved communicating with his family and it’s then that he tells them that he was wounded by a bullet, because he fled the place where they have them enclosed, and that the job is to grow marijuana and poppies, which they can’t leave, and that they were told clearly: “now you don’t leave here,” and because of that who knows if the others were able to leave, but at least their families know where they took them.

And in another partisan town: a family had dealings with the narco. Something happened, because the message to the father arrives: “if you don’t pay, your family pays,” they told him. And yes a cell phone arrived with the image of how they cut their daughter’s head off and if they want to bury her that she will be in such and so place. Other family members went to pick up the young woman’s body. But in the face of that disgrace the family is content that she makes good money and without much work.

And in another town, in the Northern Zone of Chiapas, government people came to offer coffee, milpa, school, clinic, church and road projects, and the people accepted. All the people are happy because they live well. Later, the government functionaries come again to tell them that they have to leave because there is uranium there, and that they are going to extract it and it’s very toxic, and thus they have to leave willingly or unwillingly. If they leave willingly they can go to Escárcega or in the Chimalapas.

And they showed them the invoices and receipts for all the expenses that they have received from the project. And their names are right there, their photos, the ejido assembly’s minutes, everything that demonstrates legally that they were not receiving support, but rather selling their land.

In another zone, in a town in the municipio of Simojovel, where there is amber and the people work those places to extract the amber in order to survive. Okay, because now they see that it was privatization of the ejido and that some towns fell into the trap. And it turns out that the one that was the owner of the [ejido] land was selling it piece-by-piece, in other words by the meter, and the people from there bought it to see if there is amber and they took some out, but then they ran them off because a Chinese investor came to extract the amber. The foreign capitalist had all the legal papers, which he had obtained thanks to the papers that the people signed to receive the governmental support and the projects.

In other towns of partisans foreign people have appeared and they have seized and charged them a fine for entering their lands without permission. In one community they charged 300,000 pesos and the strangers paid it; and they even said another time: “this is the first stage that we came, it’s going to have a second and third stage, and you are going to have a lot of work, in other words you are going to have a good example with the new owner of the land.” In another community, they also grabbed the strangers that came in a boat and charged them 100,000 pesos and the strangers paid and said that they come to investigate the place because there are sulfur mines there, among other things, and also that it’s the first stage and there’s going to be a second and third stage.

In another community, near Lake Miramar, a partisan from there commented that the number of governmental programs that they received at the beginning of December (2015) is the last one because with that payment for the land is complete and that the owner of the hill is going to occupy their land. The owner of the hill is Japanese. The issue is that in this community they are living with everything that they need to live, they are well taken case of, they even have an incubator for chickens. They received all the governmental support and it turns out that, without knowing it, they sold their lands to a foreigner.

Another governmental program is called PROSPERA, which used to be called Opportunities. The women that are inside of this program receive support for their children that are in school. But this program has its conditions; what is known about the conditions is: they oblige the women to consult frequently with a doctor and to get a pap smear by force and if they don’t do it they take the support (money) away from them, they are also prohibiting that the community practice some communal health services that are traditionally done in the communities, like the use of a midwife. Now, the women have to go into the city to give birth in hospitals. Clearly, that’s if they (the hospitals) accept them.

Another issue is that of digital television, the government is delivering televisions to all the partisan people. On December 22 and 23, 2015, all the people in all the communities of Las Margaritas municipio were gathered on the sports unit of Comitán. Since midnight the people were making a line to receive their television and it turned out that it got crowded there. What happened is that 2 people died, a little boy and a woman: the little boy died because he was trampled from the people’s pushing, and his mother wasn’t able to defend him; the woman was murdered when, upon arriving home, the husband took out his pistol and killed her for not having taken care of their son. A partisan gave this information.

A few days after they received the TVs, the partisan women commented that many TVs arrived broken and that upon connecting many others made a short and were burned; other, upon turning them on, nothing appeared; now they have to buy an apparatus in order to see anything, and the partisans comment that it’s a deal that Peña Nieto made with a Japanese company.

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Well, those were just a few examples. There are many more, and they are equally or more chilling and infuriating as the ones we recounted here.

We are not lying or inventing things.

These are the words of the partisans who, in their shame and rage, have come to us, as Zapatistas, to ask for advice and support.

We Zapatistas listen respectfully.

We don’t scold them for their betrayals, attacks, and slander.

We don’t throw in their faces the fact that they have aided our persecutors in the past and many times helped those above attack us.

We don’t mock their tragedies and shame.

We do not take joy from their pain.

Nor do we tell them that they should become Zapatistas, because we know well that it is difficult to be a Zapatista.

This has been, is, and will be our life and death: as Zapatistas.

This is what we told them:

“We Zapatistas have nothing to offer, not paid projects, not money, not earthly or heavenly promises. We only have our example. Organize yourselves, don’t let anyone tell you what to do or how or when to do it, defend what is yours. Resist, struggle, live.”

Now perhaps you are asking yourselves what the partidistas do in the face of these aggressions, evictions, and impositions. And the answer is very simple: they pass themselves off as Zapatistas.

One partisan said: “That’s the only way we are respected. So we hide our papers and we change our names. Because of the ignorance imposed upon us by the government, we thought that the Zapatistas were bad people. We see now that’s not the case.

We hope that the same thing does not happen again, that we will no longer be spies and traitors. We see now that one who betrays will be betrayed. And the truth is that we are very ashamed and enraged that we have been mocked once again, as always.

We thought that we were doing well, and we were only awaiting the worst.

We thought that we had so much, and now we have nothing.

We were blind and now we are naked.

We made fun of you, calling you “fucking Indians,” and it turns out that you are much better off than we are because you have your organization that does not abandon you, that does not detour from its path, that does not sell out, does not give up.

That’s what they told us.

The Zapatista that was listening to the partisan responded:

Changing course, selling out, surrendering? Never!

From the mountains of the Mexican Southeast,

Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés. Subcomandante Insurgente Galeano.

Mexico, February 2016

NOTICE FOR THE SIXTH AND THE NATIONAL INDIGENOUS CONGRESS:

In the next few days we will convoke a series of activities. Be alert.

Note: this text was produced in its entirely with a word processor using free and open code software, with a GNU/Linux operating system, distro UBUNTO 14.04 LTS. “UBUNTU” in the Zulu language means: “A person is a person through other people.” Say “yes” to free software.

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Translator’s Notes:

[1] acarreos – transporting party members to a party’s political event or to the polls in order to swell increase the size of the crowd or the vote

[2] Champas are wooden huts.

[3] The CURP is an identification number for each Mexican citizen.

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Originally Published in Spanish by Enlace Zapatista

En español:

http://enlacezapatista.ezln.org.mx/2016/02/23/y-en-las-comunidades-zapatistas/

 

Denounce obstacles in Ayotzinapa case

Carlos Beristain, Claudia Paz y Paz,

Carlos Beristain, Angela Buitrago, Claudia Paz, Alejandro Valencia and Francisco Cox arriving at the press conference. Photo: Marco Peláez

OBSTACLES “PUT ADVANCES AT RISK IN AYOTZINAPA CASE: GIEI

By: Blanche Petrich and José Antonio Román

Mexico City

 The Interdisciplinary Group of Independent Experts (GIEI, the group’s initials in Spanish) denounced a series of obstacles, diverting of information and illegal leaks to the press that “put at risk” the advances in the investigation into the Iguala case and into the whereabouts of the 43 disappeared Ayotzinapa students.

This international body, which is a help to the Mexican State in the investigation of the facts of September 26 and 27, 2014, indicated that the record of the emblematic case –“that is key to justice in Mexico,” in the words of one of its members Carlos Beristain, exposed some examples of the fragmentation of investigation AP001, which instead of being integrated in its totality into a single unit, continues disperse and, moreover, se has continued being dispersed.

It’s the case of the recent arrests of the so-called Cabo Gil [1] and the members of the Los Peques [2] criminal group. The SEIDO [3] opened new investigations, instead of deriving them into AP001, and denies access to the GIEI. In that record that the SEIDO manages, Gil reserved his right to not make a statement. Nevertheless, alleged leaks of those statements were published in some media wherein things he didn’t say are asserted. “It’s erroneous information, which does not correspond to reality,” indicated the criminalist Claudia Paz, a member of the group.

Another example is the protection of the bone remains recovered from 2014 at a site close to the Cocula garbage dump (not inside of it), because of an alert from the parents themselves.  Instead of integrating the investigation into the central record, it is being kept in the SEIDO’s possession and the necessary identification work has not been done.

Around these practices of fragmentation and leaks, the GIEI expressed their concern to Attorney General Arely Gómez.  The functionary (Arely Gómez), the GIEI’s expert Angela Buitrago asserted, “took attentive notice” of this complaint and promised to investigate “the origin of these practices.”

Almost two months from concluding their second mandate, the five specialists emphasized that this period, which concludes on April 30, is a “crucial moment” that can define the fate of the investigation.

The five members that make up the Group were present at the press conference. In it they also brought up the campaign of “personal slander and insults” on the part of an ultra-conservative sector of which they have been the object. Without directly engaging in a polemic with the protagonists of these attacks or wanting to accuse anyone of being their source, the GIEI did assert that what it’s about “with these acts and accusations is closing space for the search for truth” and generating confusion.

At the same time the group insisted on the necessity that the Mexican authorities deepen an investigation about the alleged traffic of heroine to Chicago in relation to the case of the disappearance of 43 students of the Ayotzinapa teachers college.

“It’s fundamental that the line of shipping heroine from Iguala to Chicago is investigated. It has been put forward, but we insist on the need to carry out the investigative work that we recommend for the clarification of the facts,” said the Colombian lawyer Claudia Paz.

The experts have pointed out as a fundamental element of the investigation the alleged existence of a bus with drugs that it is suspected would have as its destination the U.S. city of Chicago and that would have been taken by the students without knowing its cargo.

“The fifth bus is fundamental. We need to count on information from the investigation that the Chicago prosecutors carry out. On February 15, international assistance was requested” on the part of Mexico’s attorney general, added Paz.

The GIEI recognized that “advances” have been attained with the new investigative team that the prosecutor’s office created and in particular it turns out that the search has been reactivated for the 43 students that disappeared the night of September 26, 2014.

Translator’s Notes:

[1] Cabo Gil – Gildardo López Astudillo, alias El Cabo Gil, is a allegedly member of the Guerreros Unidos criminal group and one of those principally responsible for the attack on the Ayotzinapa students.

[2] Los Peques (The Sinners) – A criminal gang allegedly at the service of Guerreros Unidos and allegedly involved in the attack on the students.

[3] SEIDO – The organized crime division of Mexico’s Office of the Attorney General

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Originally Published in Spanish by La Jornada

Sunday, February 21, 2016

En español: http://www.jornada.unam.mx/ultimas/2016/02/21/reconoce-giei-avances-en-busqueda-de-los-43-normalistas-8209.html

Re-published with English interpretation by the Chiapas Support Committee