
TWO IMPORTANT NOTICES
December 19, 2013.
Compañeras and compañeros:
This is Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés writing you with two notices:
1. If you requested and received an invitation for the Zapatista Little School in December or January but did not receive your registration code, you may get it directly at CIDECI, San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Chiapas on the following dates:
–December 23 and 24 for the course that runs December 25-29, 2013, whether you will be going to community or taking the course at CIDECI.
–January 1 and 2 for the course that runs January 3-7, 2014, whether you will be going to community or taking the course at CIDECI.
If you did not get into this round of the Little School for either of these dates, you may request an invitation for the next dates as soon as they are made public.
2. I also want to remind you that the 20th anniversary celebrations for the Zapatista uprising will be held in all five Zapatista caracoles and the celebrations are open to everyone, except the press.
That’s all.
From the mountains of the Mexican Southeast,
Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés.
December 2013
The Peace Dialogues and the Dismissal of Petro in Colombia
By: Raúl Zibechi
The decision of the attorney general, Alejandro Ordóñez, to dismiss the mayor of Bogotá, Gustavo Petro, and disqualify him for occupying public positions for 15 years, is a blow to the peace process that the FARC and the government of Juan Manuel Santos negotiate in Havana. But it is also an example of the kind of democracy that reigns in the South American country, through which the dominant elites attempt to protect their class interests.
Petro was a member of M-19, demobilized more than two decades ago. He is the first mayor of Colombia’s principal city that exercises the position from the left. In his electoral campaign he promised to defend the public, the environment and to fight the mafias. Although he is not a radical but rather a lukewarm social democrat, after assuming the office of mayor in January 2012 he attempted to reform the city’s garbage collection, in the hands of private businesses linked to the paramilitaries.
What unleashed the crisis and his subsequent dismissal was the December 18, 2012 decision to transfer garbage collection to the Aguas de Bogotá public company. The company executives boycotted the transfer and for some days and the city was flooded with garbage, because of which city hall was forced to contract dump trucks to clean it up. He also proposed formalizing 14, 500 workers that carried out the informal collection of garbage.
According to all analysis, the implementation of that just decision was something pressured, but no one has accused Petro of corruption or mismanagement of public funds. The reasons the attorney general brandished on Monday, December 9 for proceeding with the dismissal are three: having signed agreements for garbage collection with a company without sufficient experience; having wounded the principals of free enterprise and competition by imposing limitations on companies so that they don’t provide service; authorizing the use of trucks to clean up the city.
The relation between the accusations and the sanctions is absolutely disproportionate. Those harmed by Petro’s decision are two contractor managers: William Vélez, of the Grupo Ethuss, and Alberto Ríos, linked to Grupo Nule. Vélez is one of the big contractors of public works for the State (cleaning and urban buses and Bogatá airport) and is “the most representative of a new business class that was strengthened in the Uribe era on account of large contracts with the State, and that now becomes part of the new Colombian cacaos” (Semana, November 21 2009).
Vélez is a personal friend of ex President Álvaro Uribe, financed his re-election campaign and is considered linked to attempts of the paramilitaries to legalize their fortunes through “two kin ds of businesses: those that permit them to launder money because they could overcharge sales, and the state monopolies in regions where they had influence” (La Silla Vacía, August 2, 2009).
Grupo Nule, called the “Carousel of Contracting,” is also linked to the city’s large public works and was a central character in the country’s biggest corruption case, under the mandate of Mayor Samuel Moreno in 2010, in the irregular awarding of public works (Caracol Radio, February 25, 2011). Despite being investigated and detained preventively, the prosecutor suspended and disabled Moreno for 12 months, showing a strange difference with the treatment given Petro, who was only accused of committing errors.
Attorney General Ordóñez dismissed and disabled former Senator Piedad Córdoba for 18 years for having “collaborated” with the FARC, in the case about the negotiations to free hostages. On the other hand he absolved the “para-politicians” (members of parliament linked to the paramilitaries) after the Supreme Court condemned them, he defended soldiers accused of violating human rights and maintained silence about the “false positives,” the murder of innocent civilians to pass them off as guerrillas that died in combat.
Because of that many Colombians agree with the journalist Juanita León, director of La Silla Vacía (The Empty Chair), who considers Petro’s dismissal “one more arbitrary and political act from the attorney general” and questions “the consistency with democracy that the attorney general is able to dismiss popularly elected officials.” The Senate elected Ordóñez attorney general in December 2008 for a period of four years, with 81 votes in favor and only one against, and in 2012 re-elected him until 2017. Petro was one of the senators that voted in favor.
Beyond the attorney general’s personality, an ultra right-winger and a fundamentalist Catholic, the question is the character of Colombian democracy. The day after Petro’s dismissal, the FARC emitted a harsh comunicado: “Yesterday, with just one stroke of the pen, Ordóñez gave those of us risen up in arms a lesson about what democracy means to the oligarchy in Colombia and about the absence of guarantees for an Independent political exercise.”
This is exactly the theme that the government and the guerrilla agreed upon less than a month ago: the guarantees for the exercise of legal opposition. If they dismiss you for attempting to change the model for picking up garbage, what’s going to happen when the usurpers have to return stolen lands?
Reducing the problem to the attorney general to too simplistic. It is democracy that is in question. There was never anything other than “rationed democracy” in Colombia, a concept of the Brazilian revolutionary Carlos Marighella recuperated by Lincoln Secco: a regime where “violence against the poor and opponents is combined with authoritarian actions inside of legality and the scant rights are distributed in droplets to the more moderate sectors of the opposition.”
It’s worth the pain of reflecting on this kind of democracy, which expands throughout the world: a regime where corrupt entrepreneurs command, enriched by the protection of business with the State and where officials can dismiss popular representatives with impunity.
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Originally Published in Spanish by La Jornada
Friday, December 13, 2013
En español: http://www.jornada.unam.mx/2013/12/13/opinion/030a1pol
NOVIEMBRE DE 2013 RESUMEN DE NOTICIAS SOBRE LOS ZAPATISTAS
En Chiapas
1. EZLN publica 3 comunicados – Los zapatistas publicaron 3 comunicados: Malas y No Tan Malas Noticias; Rebobinar 3; y Cupo Completo para el Primer Grado de La Escuelita Zapatista en las Vueltas de Diciembre y Enero. En el primer comunicado, Marcos habla de las cuentas para las escuelitas de agosto e informa que el pago de registro para estudiantes de 100 pesos no fue suficiente para cubrir los gastos y, por tanto, tienen que subir el costo para las escuelitas de diciembre/enero a 380 pesos por estudiante. Rebobinar 3 cuenta la historia de Durito y el Gato-Perro. Cupo Completo informa que no hay lugar para mas estudiantes en las escuelas de diciembre y enero. Sin embargo, agrega que habrá una cuarta escuelita en abril o agosto del próximo año.
2. Buenas noticias para San Sebastian Bachajón – ¡Por fin hay buenas noticias para los compañeros de San Sebastian Bachajón! Un tribunal federal en Tuxtla Gutierrez revocó la sentencia emitida por el juez séptimo de distrito acerca de sus tierras ejidales que el gobierno apropió y ocupó. El tribunal de apelaciones decidió que el juez séptimo de distrito no debía haber dado credibilidad a un documento introducido por un comisionado ejidal pro-gobierno (y anti-zapatista). Este caso se trata del acceso a las cascadas de Agua Azul, donde el gobierno pretende imponer el desarrollo de un lujoso complejo turístico. El gobierno quiere tener control de las tierras alrededor de las cascadas para poder rentarlas por enormes cantidades de dinero a inmobiliarias turísticas.
3. La Garrucha emite 2 denuncias – La junta de buen gobierno de La Garrucha denunció que hay otra orden de aprehensión en contra de Alfonso Cruz Espinoza, un base de apoyo zapatista que por casualidad es dueño de la propiedad llamada San Antonio Toniná, adyacente al sitio arqueológico Toniná, cerca de la ciudad de Ocosingo, Chiapas. Presuntamente la orden de aprehensión es porque Cruz Espinoza permitió a unos bases de apoyo zapatista talar un arbolito en su tierra para construir una tienda de artesanías para el municipio de Francisco Gómez, contando con la autorización de la junta de buen gobierno y de los cuatro municipios autónomos de la región. Esta es otra lucha mas sobre un sitio turístico potencialmente lucrativo, y no es la primera vez que las autoridades gubernamentales persiguen judicialmente a Cruz Espinoza en un intento de despojarle de sus tierras.
La segunda denuncia concierne a la disputa contínua entre camioneros “oficiales” (con permisos del gobierno) y los camioneros independientes (zapatistas). Los camioneros oficiales están confiscando los camiones pertenecientes a los camioneros independientes en la central camionera en la ciudad de Ocosingo, privándoles de su habilidad de ganarse la vida. La junta exige la devolución de los camiones y que les compensen por los sueldos perdidos.
4. Morelia denuncia invasión de territorio – El 12 de noviembre, la Junta de Buen Gobierno de Morelia denunció que miembros del CIOAC-Histórico, una organización campesina oficialista, invadieron terrenos zapatistas en el ejido 10 de abril. Esto occurrió durante el mes de octubre. La Junta arregló dos citas para que miembros del CIOAC pudieran presentar los casos por los cuales invadieron el predio. Nadie se presentó para la primera cita, pero 60 integrantes del CIOAC aparecieron durante la segunda cita el 25 de octubre. No pudieron presentar ningún documento dándoles el derecho al predio, y resolvieron no trabajar la tierra. De todas maneras, de nuevo invadieron el territorio el 6 de noviembre haciendo amenazas de muerte, continuando con las agresiones (incluyendo un intento de secuestro), y dividieron el terreno con una cerca. Los integrantes de CIOAC-Histórico dicen que son órdenes provenientes del gobernador de Chiapas.
5. El Comité Samuel Ruiz García denuncia a empresas mineras – El Comité Samuel Ruiz García para la Promoción y Defensa de la Vida ha denunciado que al menos una empresa minera quiere renovar la explotación del predio La Revancha en el ejido de La Grecia, municipio de Chicomuselo. Esta es la región donde Semarnat (Secretaría del Medio Ambiente y Recursos Naturales) elaboró un informe de impacto ambiental alertando a l@s residentes sobre los riesgos en la salúd que se asocian con la minería. También es la zona donde Mariano Abarca Roblero, activista en contra de la minería, fué asesinado en 2009.
6. Alberto Patishtán vuelve a Chiapas – El 20 de noviembre, Alberto Patishtán regresó a Chiapas como un hombre libre tras recibir tratamiento médico en el Distrito Federal. Sus familiares, amigos y camaradas le dieron la bienvenida en el aeropuerto de Tuxtla Gutiérrez, y desde allí viajó a San Cristobal para asistir a una misa en Catedral. “Aqui no se acaba la lucha; aqui comienza”, expresó a su llegada, según publicó La Jornada.
Por otras partes de México
1. La violencia de la “guerra contra las drogas” continúa – El ejército mexicano ha tomado control del Puerto de Lázaro Cárdenas, Michoacán, como una medida para controlar el narcotráfico y la extrema violencia en la región occidental de Michoacán. Se arguye que Lázaro Cárdenas es el puerto de entrada a México de grandes envíos de efedrina provenientes de China. La efedrina es usada (legalmente) en la elaboración de diferentes productos farmacéuticos, y los carteles mexicanos del narcotráfico lo usan (ilegalmente) en la producción de metanfetamina. Michoacán tiene una gran presencia del ejército debido al incremento en los conflictos violentos entre varios carteles de la droga, y de los carteles contra los residentes locales. Los residentes locales están formando grupos armados de auto-defensa para protejer a sus familias, hogares y comunidades de los carteles y de las corruptas fuerzas de seguridad (tanto policías como militares). Los gobiernos federales y estatales, sin embargo, han caracterizado a estos grupos de auto-defensa como “criminales.” La situación es similar en Guerrero entre los carteles del narco, los grupos de auto-defensa y las fuerzas de seguridad. Durante los últimos meses, el asesinato de varios líderes campesinos ha escalado la violencia en Guerrero; mientras en el estado de Jalisco, el gobierno ha descubierto fosas clandestinas con los restos de por lo menos 100 víctimas, presuntas víctimas de la violencia de los carteles
En Los Estados Unidos
1. México, principal preocupación para la DEA – Por ser la mayor puerta de entrada y un creciente productor de substancias ilícitas, México constituye la principal preocupación para la agencia antidrogas estadounidense (DEA, por sus siglas en inglés) . El informe, Evaluación de la amenaza de las drogas, señala que los narcos mexicanos han aumentado la producción de heroína y además, han comenzado a expanderse por el este y centro-oeste de los Estados Unidos. El informe indica que ha habido una reducción en la disponibilidad de cocaína y un crecimiento en la de heroína, metanfetamina y mariguana.
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Compilación mensual hecha por el Comité de Apoyo a Chiapas.
Nuestras principales fuentes de información son: La Jornada, Enlace Zapatista y el Centro de Derechos Humanos Fray Bartolomé de las Casas.
NOVEMBER 2013 ZAPATISTA NEWS SUMMARY
In Chiapas
1. EZLN Issues 3 Comunicados – The Zapatistas released 3 comunicados: The Bad and the Not-So-Bad News; Rewind 3; and Spaces Full for the December and January Escuelitas (Little Schools). In the first comunicado, Marcos talks about finances for the August Escuelitas and reports that the original $100 peso fee for students was not enough to cover the costs and, therefore, they have to raise the fee for the December/January Escuelitas to $380 pesos per student. Rewind 3 tells the story of Durito and the Cat-Dog. Spaces Full reports that there is no room for any more students at the December or the January Escuelitas. However, it adds that there will be a fourth Escuelita in either April or August of next year.
2. Good News for San Sebastián Bachajón – Finally, some good news for the compañeros in San Sebastián Bachajón! A federal appeals court in Tuxtla Gutiérrez overturned a lower court decision regarding their ejido land that the government appropriated and occupied. The court of appeals ruled that the lower court judge should not have given credibility to the document introduced by a pro-government (and anti-Zapatista) ejido commissioner. This is a case that involves access to the Agua Azul Cascades, where the government hopes to develop a luxury tourist complex. The government wants to get control over the land surrounding the Cascades so that it can lease that land to tourist developers for enormous sums of money.
3. La Garrucha issues 2 Denunciations – The Good Government Junta in La Garrucha denounced that yet another arrest warrant has been issued for Alfonso Cruz Espinoza, a Zapatista support base who just happens to own the land called San Antonio Toniná adjacent to the Toniná archaeological site, near the city of Ocosingo, Chiapas. The arrest warrant is allegedly because Cruz Espinoza permitted Zapatista support bases to cut down a small tree on his property to build an artesianía store for Francisco Gómez autonomous municipality with the authorization of the Good Government Junta and the region’s four autonomous municipalities. This is another struggle over a potentially profitable tourist site and not the first time that government authorities have judicially pursued Cruz Espinoza in an attempt to take away his land.
The second denunciation concerns the on-going dispute between officially organized (with the government’s permission) truckers and independent truckers (Zapatistas). The official truckers are retaining trucks belonging to the independent truckers in the yard at their central headquarters in Ocosingo, thus depriving the independents of their ability to make a living. The Junta wants the trucks released and the independent truckers compensated for lost income.
4. Morelia Denounces Land Invasion – On November 12, Morelia’s Good Government Junta denounced that members of CIOAC-Historic, a pro-government campesino organization, invaded Zapatista lands in the 10 de Abril (April 10) Ejido. This occurred during the month of October. The Junta set 2 appointments for the CIOAC-Historic members to appear and make their case for why they invaded the lands. No one appeared for the first appointment, but 60 CIOAC-Historic members came to the second appointment on October 25. They failed to produce any document giving them rights to the land and they agreed to not work it. However, they entered the land on November 6 issuing death threats and continued to commit aggressions afterwards, including an attempted kidnapping, and they divided the land with a fence. The CIOAC-Historic members claim their orders are coming from the governor of Chiapas.
5. The Samuel Ruiz García Committee Denounces Mining Companies – The Samuel Ruiz García Committee for the Promotion and Defense of Life denounced that one or more mining companies want to renew exploitation on the La Revancha plot of the La Grecia Ejido in Chicomuselo municipality. That is the area where Semarnat (Secretary of the Environment and Natural Resources) issued an environmental impact report alerting residents to the health hazards of mining. It is also the area where anti-mining activist Mariano Abarca Roblero was murdered.
6. Alberto Patishtán Returns to Chiapas – On November 30, Alberto Patishtán returned to Chiapas a free man after completing medical treatment in Mexico City. His supporters from several organizations and his family greeted him at the airport near Tuxtla Gutiérrez and then he went to San Cristóbal for a mass in the Cathedral. He was quoted in La Jornada as saying: “The struggle doesn’t end here; it starts here.”
In other parts of Mexico
1. “Drug War” Violence Continues – The Mexican Army has taken control of the Port of Lázaro Cárdenas, Michoacán as a means of controlling drug trafficking and the extreme violence in western Michoacán. Lázaro Cárdenas is allegedly the port where large shipments of ephedrine from China enter Mexico. Ephedrine is used (legally) in different pharmaceuticals and Mexican drug cartels use it (illegally) in the manufacture of methamphetamine. Michoacán has a large Army presence due to an increase in violent conflicts among several drug cartels and by the drug cartels against local residents. The local residents are forming armed self-defense groups to protect their families, homes and communities from the cartels and from corrupt security forces (both police and military). The federal and state governments, however, have characterized these self-defense groups as “criminal.” The situation is similar in Guerrero with the drug cartels, self-defense groups and security forces. Within the last several months, the murders of several campesino leaders have escalated the violence in Guerrero; while in the state of Jalisco, the government is finding clandestine graves with the remains of at least 100 victims, allegedly victims of cartel violence.
In the United States
1. The DEA’s Principal Concern Is Mexico – Due to being the largest port of entry and a growing production center for illicit substances, Mexico is the DEA’s principal concern. A report, Evaluation of the drug threat, points out that Mexican cartels have increased their production of heroine and also initiated their expansion through the east and center west of the United States. The report indicated a decrease in the availability of cocaine and an increase in heroine, meth and marijuana.
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Space Full for First Grade at the Little Zapatista School in December 2013 and January 2014
November 2013.
To the compañeras and compañeros of the Sixth:
To Who it May Concern:
From: Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés.
Past, present, and future compas:
We send you our greetings. Once again we are informing you that we are doing a second and third round of the first grade of the Zapatista Little School, even though we only barely managed to cover our costs the first round, and this thanks to the fact that someone gave more to cover our compañeras and compañeros from near and far. That’s how we took care of the costs that couldn’t be covered by what had been collected in the donation jar.
Even so, for the second and third rounds of the First Grade of the Little School we increased the number of compañeras and compañeros who could come, so that now we can receive up to 2,250 students in each round. That is, we had space for 2250 in the December 2013 round and 2250 in the January 2014 round. I say we “had” because both rounds have already filled up.
In other words, the Zapatista people worked to be able to bring 1000 more students than came last August.
Of course, the problem is to see if the 380 pesos per student will be enough to cover our costs, but our compañeras and compañeros from the support teams of the Sixth Commission tell me that many students are already organizing to get the payment together and won’t act the fool when they get to registration. And what we think is really great is that students who were already here with us in the first round are organizing so that they can help others come and learn with us. So it seems those students learned something while they were here.
In the new magazine that we are going to release as well as in the writings we will be publishing on the Enlace Zapatista page, we’ll let you know our own evaluation of the Little School. In this magazine you will be able to read the words of the Votanes who took care of you, of the teachers, and of the families that received you. This will be their evaluation, that is to say their word and thoughts on what they saw and felt about the first students.
Now, in the position of responsibility I have been given for the Little School, I want to let you know that the available spaces for both rounds have been filled. The round in December 2013 already has 2250 people, and so does the January 2014 round. In other words, we are already full compañeras and compañeros.
We hope you sent in your request on time, and that it is filled out correctly, with no tricks. But if you didn’t make it into this round, don’t worry. We are going to see if we can do a fourth round in April or August of next year.
We remind everyone that only those who are invited will receive registration codes. We say this because some people are trying to cheat by sending in their form without having been invited. So don’t cheat. These are the steps: you send your request for an invitation, you are sent an invitation, you send back the form, and you are sent your registration code.
One very important thing that you have to understand is that the registration for the Little School is individual. In other words, you can’t write: “I am coming and bringing two more people.” Each person has to request their own invitation because each student needs an individual registration because we board each person with a Zapatista family and assign them a Votán, a Guardian or Guardiana. That goes for everyone, man, woman, other, boy, girl, teen, adult or elder.
Therefore it is important that each person send their registration request, those who have been invited that is, because those who don’t will not have a place in these rounds of the little school. You have now been notified. It is also important that you state which of the two dates you can come. Even better is if you say you can come on either date because that way we can accommodate you more easily.
And please don’t register if you’re not going to come. We request that you let us know if you have an invitation but won’t be able to come, because otherwise you’ll take the spot of someone who wants to come but can’t because the spaces are already filled. We say this because some people did that in the August round, signed up and then never arrived. And they didn’t even have the good manners to give notice that they wouldn’t be coming. It is much better to notify us and give the spot to someone who can come this time, and then wait to see on which of the next dates you can attend.
To our sisters and brothers in the National Indigenous Congress and of Original Peoples from all over the world, we remind you that later on we will have special encounters with you. We will all agree on the details of that together.
Well compañeros of the Sixth, I will leave it at that and we hope that you can come and see with your own eyes and hear with your own ears our struggle for liberty.
SupMarcos is going to continue writing to you later on, for now the cat-dog bit him and so the Insurgent Health Service is treating him. That is, they’re treating the cat-dog because he got hurt biting SupMarcos. In any case, I had him add some videos for you to think about or sing to or dance to and all that.
Okay then. We’re here waiting for you.
SubComandante Insurgente Moisés
Head of the Zapatista Little School
Mexico, November of 2013
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Watch and listen to the videos that accompany this text:
Greeting sent to the Zapatista Little School by our compañero the Honorary Insurgent Major Félix Serdán Nájera who has been a rebel his whole life.
Video made by the compas of the Coordinadora Valle de Chalco Libre in their first grade course of the Zapatista Little School.
Fernando Delgadillo warns us about the complicity between ignorance and Power.
Alejandro Filio and León Gieco, two of those who don’t sell themselves, in this song entitled “A Price.”
REWIND 3.
Here we explain the reasons behind this strange title and those that will follow, narrate the story of an exceptional encounter between a beetle and a perplexing being (that is, more perplexing than the beetle) and the reflections of no immediate relevance or importance which occurred therein; and finally, given a particular anniversary, the Sub tries to explain, unsuccessfully, how the Zapatistas see their own history.
November 2013
To whom it may concern:
WARNING – As noted in the text entitled “The Bad and Not So Bad News,” the writings that preceded that text had not yet been published. Ergo, what we are going to do is “rebobinar” (that is, “rewind” the tape) to what should have appeared on the Day of the Dead. Having rewound, you may then read in inverse order the inverse order in which the texts will appear and that way you will…hmm…forget it, I’ve even managed to confuse myself. The point is that you get the gist of the “retrospective” perspective. It’s as if one is going in one direction but later returns to see how they got going in that direction in the first place. Got it? No?
WARNING TO THE WARNING – The following texts do not contain any reference to present, current, important, or pressing situations, nor do they have any political references or implications or anything of the kind. They are “innocent” texts, as are all the writings of the self-designated “Supcomandante of stainless steel” (that is, me). Any resemblance or similarity to real persons or events is purely coincidental and quite frankly schizophrenic…yes, just like the national and international situation where it is clear that…okay, okay, okay, no politics.
WARNING SQUARED – In the highly unlikely event that you feel that what is said below refers to you, you are categorically mistaken…or you are shameless fan of ad hoc conspiracy theories (which can be translated as “for every failure, there is a conspiracy theory that can explain everything and therefore repeat the mistakes.”)
All right then.
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P.S. Durito’s First Encounter with the Cat-Dog.
Durito was solemn; but not with that false posturing of government officials the world over. He was serious in that sense of when one is hit in the face by a heavy loss and there’s nothing one can do about it other than curse…or tell a story.
Don Durito of the Lacandón lights his pipe, this errant and wandering knight, comforter of the afflicted, delight of children, unrequited yearning of women and others, unattainable standard for men, nightmare of tyrant and despots, uncomfortable thesis for ignorant sophists.
Entranced in the light of our insomnia, he narrates, almost in a whisper, for me to transcribe:
THE STORY OF THE CAT-DOG
(How Durito met the Cat-Dog and what they said, in those dark morning hours, about fanaticism)
At first glance, the cat-dog looks like a dog…ok, maybe more like a cat…or a dog…until it meows…or a cat…until it barks.
The cat-dog is unknown to terrestrial and marine biologists (in which category of living things would it fit?), an irresolvable case for psychology (neural surgery cannot locate the part of the brain that defines dogness or catness), a mystery for anthropology (can traditions and customs be simultaneously similar and antithetical?), a source of despair for jurisprudence (what rights and duties emerge from both being and not being?), and the holy grail of genetic engineering (it is impossible to privatize that elusive DNA). In sum: it is the missing link that would bring down the entire Darwinist laboratory, seminar, symposium, and much-reiterated scientific fashion.
But let me tell you what happened.
As is the rule, it was the dark hours of the early morning. There was just enough light to cast a shadow. I walked calmly, taking steps only by memory. Then, I clearly heard someone say:
“A fanatic is someone who, in shame, hides their doubt.”
Internally agreeing with the assertion, I approached and found the voice. Without any introduction, I asked:
“Ah, so you are… a dog.”
“Meow,” he replied.
“…Oh, okay, a cat then,” I said tentatively.
“Woof,” he replied.
“Okay, a cat-dog,” I said to him and to myself.
“There you go,” he said… or I thought he said.
“So well, how’s life?” I asked (and I transcribed without hesitation, determined not to be surprised by anything, since it was a beetle who was dictating this exceptional story to me).
“Sometimes it’s worthwhile,” he responded with a kind of purr. “At times it’s like cats and dogs,” he growled.
“Is it a problem of identity?” I ask, lighting a pipe and taking out my multi-touch smartphone-tablet (in reality it’s more like a spiral notebook, but Durito wants to appear very modern—transcribers note).
“Nah, one doesn’t choose who they are, but rather who they could be,” the cat-dog barked disdainfully. “And life is no more than that complicated transition, achieved or truncated, from one thing to the other,” it added with a meow.
“So then, cat or dog?” I asked.
“Cat-dog,” he said, as if stating the obvious.
“And what brings you to this area?”
“A she, what else.”
“Ah.”
“I am going to sing to her, because some cats can actually sing you know.”
“Umm… before your serenade, which this female who stirs you will no doubt find sublime, can you clarify for me what you said at the beginning of this story?”
“About fanaticism you mean?”
“Yes, it was something like, ‘there are those who hide their doubts behind irrational devotion.’”
“Exactly.”
“But, how does one avoid ending up in one of the sinister rooms of that grim house of mirrors that is fanaticism? How does one resist the pressure and the blackmail to join in and embrace religious or lay fanaticism,.. the oldest kind, yes, but not the only current one?
“It’s simple,” said the cat-dog laconically, “don’t join.
Build many houses, each their own. Abandon the fear of difference.
Because there is something that is the same as or worse than a religious fanatic, and that is an anti-religious fanatic, or secular fanaticism. And I say that it could be worse because the latter uses reason as an alibi.
And, of course, it has its equivalents: homophobia and sexism, phobia of heterosexuality and hembrismo [the assumed moral superiority of women]. And you can add to this the long etcetera of the history of humanity.
The fanatics of race, color, creed, gender, politics, sport, etc., are, in the end, fanatics of themselves. They all share the same fear of difference. And they pigeonhole the entire world in the closed box of exclusive options: “if you aren’t this, than you must be its opposite.”
“Are you saying, my esteemed sir, that those who criticize sports fanatics are just as bad as the sports fanatics? Durito interrupts.
“It is the same thing. You have, for example, politics and sports, both professional: in both cases, the fanatics think that the professional is the one that counts; in both cases they are merely spectators applauding or booing the opponents, celebrating victories that are not their own and mourning losses that are not theirs. In both, they blame the players, the referee, the field, the opponent; in both they hope that “next time we’ll win,” both think that a change in coach, strategy, or tactic will resolve everything. Both pursue and harass the fans of the opposition; both ignore the fact that the problem is with the system.”
“Are you talking about soccer?” Durito asks as he takes out a ball that he himself autographed.
“Not only about soccer. In everything, the problem is who commands, the owner, he who makes the rules.
In both spheres, whatever is not paid is scorned: field or street soccer, the politics that doesn’t converge with electoral conjunctures. ‘If it doesn’t pay, then why do it?’ they ask.”
“Ah, are you talking about politics?”
“Not at all. Although, for example, with every passing day it is more evident that what they call ‘the Modern Nation-State’ is a heap of debris for sale, and that the respective political classes are determined to rebuild, again and again, the rooftop of a crumbling house of cards, without realizing that the deck is completely torn and tattered, unable to stand upright itself, let alone support something on top.”
“Hmm… it would be very difficult to put this in a tweet,” Durito says as he counts to see if it could fit into 140 characters.
“The modern political class is fighting over who will be the pilot of a plane that crashed a long time ago into neoliberal reality,” pronounces the cat-dog, and Durito thanks him with a bow.
“So, what is to be done?” asks Durito as he demurely stows his Chiapas Jaguars banner.
“Avoid the trap which holds that freedom is the power to choose between the two imposed options.
All categorical options are a trap. There are not only two paths, just as there are not just two colors, two sexes, or two beliefs. The answer is neither here nor there. It is better to make a new path that goes where one wants to go.”
“And the conclusion?” Durito asks.
“Neither dog nor cat. Cat-dog, not at your service.
And let no one judge nor condemn that which they do not understand, because difference is a sign that all is not lost, the we still have a lot to see and to hear, that there are still other worlds to discover…”
And with that he left, the cat-dog that is, which, as its name indicates, has the disadvantages of both dog and cat… and the advantages of neither (if there are any).
Dawn had already come when I heard a sublime mix of meow and bark. It was the cat-dog serenading, out-of-tune, the light of our sweetest dreams.
And in some early morning hour, perhaps on a still distant calendar in an uncertain geography, she, the light that both unveils me and keeps me from sleeping, will understand that there were hidden lines, drawn for her, that maybe only then will be revealed or recognized in these words now, and she will know in that moment that it didn’t matter what path my steps tread. Because she was, is, and will be, always, the only worthwhile destination.
The end.
Postscript: where the Sup tries to explain, in a postmodern multimedia format, the way in which the Zapatistas see and are seen in their own history.
Well, first it’s necessary to clarify that for us, our history is not just who we have been, what has happened to us, and what we have done. It is also, and above all, what we want to be and do.
Now, in this avalanche of audiovisual media ranging from 4D cinema and LED 4K televisions to the polychrome and multi-touch screens of cell phones (which, allow me the digression, show reality in colors that have nothing to do with reality), we can place, in an improbable timeline, our way of seeing our history with… a kinetoscope.
Yes, I know that I went a bit far back, to the origins of cinema, but with the internet and the multiple wikis that abound and redound, you won’t have a problem figuring out what I’m referring to.
Sometimes, it can seem like we are getting close to 8 tracks and super 8 tracks, and even then the 16 millimeter format is still far off.
What I mean is that our way of explaining our history seems like an image of continuous and repetitive movement, with some variations that give that sense of mobile immobility: always attacked and persecuted, always resisting; always being annihilated, always reappearing. Maybe that’s why the denouncements made by the Zapatista support bases, via their Good Government Councils, have so few readers. It’s as if one had already read that before and they only changed the names and the geographies.
But it’s also where we show ourselves. For example, here:
Yes, it’s a little like Edison’s moving images from 1894, in his kinetoscope (“Annie Oakley”): we were the coin tossed into the air, while the young lady “civilization” shot at us over and over again (yes, the government would be the servile employee that tossed the coin). Or like in “The Arrival of a Train” from 1895 by the Lumiere brothers; we were the ones who stayed on the platform while the train of progress came and went. At the end of this text you will find some videos that will help you understand this.
But now and then the collective that we are takes and makes each still shot, drawing it and painting it as the reality that we were and that we are, many times with the black shades of persecutions and prisons, with the gray shades of contempt, and with the red of plunder and exploitation. But also with the browns and greens of we who are of the earth.
When someone from outside stops to look at our “movie,” they often comment: “what a skillful shooter!” Or “what a daring employee who throws the coin into the air without fear of injury!” But no one says anything about the coin.
Or, about the Lumiere brothers’ train, they say: “but how stupid, why do they stay on the platform and not board the train?” Or, “we have here another example of why the indigenous are how they are—because they don’t want to progress.” Or the more daring ones, “Did you see what ridiculous clothes they wore in that era?” But if someone would ask us why we don’t get on that train, we would say“because the next stations are ‘decadence,’ ‘war,’ and ‘destruction,’ and the final destination is ‘catastrophe.’ The pertinent question is not why we don’t board the train, but why you all don’t get off of it.”
Those who come to be with us, to look at us looking at ourselves, to listen to us, to learn from us in the little school, discover that in each still shot, we Zapatistas have aggregated an image that is not perceptible at first glance. It is as if the apparent movement of the images hides the particular that each still shot contains. That which is not seen in the daily comings and goings is the history that we are. And no smartphone captures those images. Only with a very big heart can they be detected.
Of course, there is always someone who comes and tells us that now there are tablets and cellphones with cameras in front and back, with colors more vivid than those of reality, that there are now cameras and printers in the third dimension, that there is plasma, LCD and LED, and representative democracy, and elections, and political parties, and modernity, and progress, and civilization.
They tell us that we should leave behind all that stuff about collectivism (which, besides, rhymes with primitivism): that we abandon this obsession with taking care of the environment, the discourse of mother earth, self-organization, autonomy, rebellion, freedom.
They tell us all this while clumsily editing out the fact that it is in their modernity where the most atrocious crimes are perpetrated: where children are burned alive and the pyromaniacs are congressional representatives and senators; where ignorance pretends to govern the destiny of a nation; where sources of work are destroyed; where teachers are persecuted and slandered; where one big lie is overshadowed by another, bigger one; where inhumanity is awarded and honored and any ethical or moral value is a symptom of “cultural backwardness.”
For the mass (paid) media, they are the modern ones, we are the archaic. They are the civilized, we are the barbarians. They are the ones who work, we the idle. They are the “decent people,” we the pariahs. They the wise, we the ignorant. They are the clean, we are the dirty. They are the beautiful, we are the ugly. They are the good, we are the bad.
And they forget what is most fundamental: this is our history, our way of seeing it and of seeing ourselves, our way of thinking ourselves, our way of making our path. It is ours, with our errors, our failures, our colors, our lives, our deaths. It is our freedom.
This is our history.
Because when we Zapatistas draw a key below and to the left in each still shot in our movie, we are thinking not about what door to open, but about what house with what door we need to create so that this key will have a purpose and a destiny. And if the soundtrack of this movie has the rhythm of polka-ballad-corrido-ranchera-cumbia-rock-ska-metal-reggae-trova-punk-hip-hop-rap-and-whatever else is added, it’s not because we don’t have musical taste. It’s because this house will have all colors and all sounds. And there will be therefore new gazes and new ears that will understand our efforts… even if we are only silence and shadow in those future worlds.
Ergo: we have imagination, they only have plans with terminal options.
That’s why their world is crumbling. That’s why ours is resurging, just like that little light that, although small, is not less when embraced by shadow.
Vale. Cheers, and here’s to celebrating our birthdays very happily, which is to say, in struggle.
El Sup, confusing himself with the videos that he wants to include in order to, as they say, put the candle on the cake that does not say, but knows itself to be, thirty-something.
Mexico, November 17, 2013.
Thirtieth anniversary of the EZLN.
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Watch and listen to the videos that accompany this text:
http://enlacezapatista.ezln.org.mx/2013/11/19/rewind-3-2/
Video that tells the story of the “Dog that was a cat on the inside,” by Siri Melchoir. United Kingdom, 2002
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A cat-dog in action. Note how he returns to his secret identity when he is discovered.
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A very brief reference to the origin of cinema. Pay attention to the mini-short: “Annie Oakley,” seconds 20 through 26.
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En español: http://enlacezapatista.ezln.org.mx/2013/11/17/rebobinar-3/
THE BAD AND NOT-SO-BAD NEWS
November 2013.
To the students who took or want to take the first grade course of the Zapatista Little School:
To whom it may concern:
Compañeros, compañeras and compañeroas
As is now custom, I have been designated to give you the bad news. So here goes.
FIRST – The accounts (and here I advise you to double check the additions, subtractions, and divisions because math isn’t one of my strengths. That is, it also isn’t one of my strengths):
A) Expenses from the first grade course in August of 2013 for 1281 students:
– Support materials (4 textbooks and 2 DVDs) for 1281 students: $100,000.00 (one hundred thousand Mexican pesos).
– Food and transport for 1281 students to go from CIDECI to the communities where their course was held and back: $339,778.27 (three hundred thirty-nine thousand seven hundred and eight pesos and 27 cents), which breaks down as the following:
Expenses for each zone to take students in vehicles from CIDECI to their host communities and back to CIDECI, in addition to food for the children of the students.
Realidad ————- $ 64,126.00
Oventik—————- $ 46,794.00
Garrucha————– $ 122,184.77
Morelia—————- $ 36,227.50
Roberto Barrios—- $ 70,446.00
Total overall —– $ 339,778.27
Note: Yeah that “77 cents” also caught my eye, but that’s how it appeared in the report. Meaning, we don’t do any rounding up around here.
-Transportation for 200 guardians to CIDECI, where they gave a course, and home again: $40,000.00 (forty thousand pesos). Their food was covered by the compañer@s of CIDECI-Unitierra. Thank you to Dr. Raymundo and all of the compas of CIDECI, especially those in the kitchen (note: you still owe me some tamales).
Total expenses for the Zapatista communities for the first grade course in August of 2013 for 1281 students: $479,778.27 (four hundred seventy-nine thousand seven hundred and eight pesos and 26 cents). Average expense per student: $374.53 (three hundred seventy-four Mexican pesos and 53 cents).
B) Income for the Zapatista Little School: Registration payments (from the donation container that was in CIDECI): $409,955.00 (four hundred nine thousand nine hundred and fifty-five Mexican pesos).
National pesos: $391,721.00
Dollars: $1,160.00
Euros: $175.00
Average per student payment at registration: $320.02 (three hundred twenty pesos and 20 cents).
SECOND— Summary and consequences:
On average, the remaining $54.51 (fifty-four Mexican pesos and 51 cents) per student was covered through solidarity donations. That is, some students covered others. But that means that the numbers don’t work out, compas. It was thanks to some students who gave more than the 100 required pesos (and some didn’t give anything), as well as to generous donations from others that we could more or less break even.
For those who gave more and those who made extra large donations, we thank you from the bottom of our hearts. And we should also thank those who didn’t pay the full 100 pesos or didn’t give anything at all.
But we know very well that we can’t expect this to work out again this way, where some students pay the course for others, which leaves us with the following options:
a) – We close the Little School.
b) – We reduce the number of students to what we Zapatistas can pay for ourselves. Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés tells me this would be about 100 per caracol, or 500 total.
c) – We raise the cost and make it obligatory.
We think that we shouldn’t close the Little School because it has permitted us to meet more people and for other people to meet us, people that we didn’t know before and who didn’t know us.
We think that if we reduce the number who can come, many people will be sad or mad because they already have everything ready to attend and it could be that they wouldn’t make the list. And above all, as you now know, the essence of the course is found in the communities and the guardians and guardianas, and if we reduced the number of students I would have to give them the bad news, and I would get the backlash.
So the only solution is to ask that you pay for your own transport and food. We know that this, in addition to bothering some people, might leave others out. That is why we are letting you know ahead of time so that you can find a way to pay your fee and/or the fee for other compas who want to come but can’t pay.
The cost now will be $380.00 (three hundred eighty Mexican pesos) per student, and should be paid at registration in CIDECI on the designated registration days. If on top of that you want to bring a pound of rice and a pound of beans, we would appreciate that too.
And please, we beg you, we plead with you, we implore you to clarify who is coming with you, how many of you there are, and each person’s age. The thing is that we get emails that say “I’m coming with my kids” and then they arrive and well, it’s like the cast for the “The Walking Dead.” All those who are going to attend must register ahead of time, this includes kids, adults, elders, and the walking dead.
Also please clarify the dates on which you will come. There are two dates now, one at the end of December and another at the beginning of January. It is important for us to know which one you are signing up for because, as you know, there is an indigenous family that is preparing to host and attend to you, a guardian or guardiana that is preparing to orient you, a driver who is getting his or her vehicle ready to transport you, and a whole village preparing to receive you. And clarify if you want to take the course in a community or in CIDECI in San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Chiapas.
Oh also, come to listen and learn, because there are some who came to give seminars on feminism, vegetarianism, Marxism, and other “isms.” And now they’re upset because we Zapatistas don’t obey them, these people who came to tell us that we should change the revolutionary law for women to their liking and not as determined by the Zapatista women, that we don’t understand the advantages of marijuana, that we shouldn’t make our houses out of cement because it’s better to make them out of adobe and palm, or that we shouldn’t wear shoes because by going barefoot we would be better in touch with mother earth. In sum, that we should obey those who come to give us orders… that is, that we should not be Zapatistas.
SPECIAL CASES: the Anarchists
Given the anti-anarchist campaign launched by those of “good conscience” and the well-behaved left united in a holy crusade with the old right to accuse the anarchists, young and old, of challenging the system (as if anarchism had another option), including the dismantling of their shows (this thing about turning the lights off, was that so we wouldn’t see the anarchists?), and the repetition ad nauseum of epithets such as “anarcho-hardliners,” “anarcho-provocateur,” “anarcho-thugs,” “anarcho-etcetera” (somewhere I read the epithet “anarcho-anarchist,” isn’t that sublime?), the Zapatista men and women cannot ignore the climate of hysteria that so firmly demands respect for windowpanes (which don’t reveal but rather hide what happens just behind the counter: slave-like work conditions, a total lack of hygiene, poor quality, low nutritional value, money laundering, tax evasion, and capital flight).
Because now, apparently, the robbery poorly disguised as “structural reform,” the assault on the teachers union, the national patrimony “outlet” sale, the theft imposed by the government on the governed through taxation, and the fiscal asphyxiation – which only favors the large monopolies – is the anarchists’ fault.
This includes blame for the fact that now “decent people” don’t go out into the street to protest anymore (“hey but what about the marches, sit-ins, roadblocks, graffiti, flyers…” “Yes, but those are teachers-bus drivers-vendors-students, that is, country bumpkins, and I’m talking people really-truly-from-the Federal District.” “Ah, the mythical middle class, so courted and yet so despised and cheated by the entire political spectrum and all of the media…”), the fact that the institutional left also evicts the protest rallies, the fact that the “only opposition to the regime”[i] has been overshadowed by the nameless again and again, the fact that the arbitrary imposition is now called “dialogue and negotiation,”[ii] the fact that the murder of migrants, women, youth, workers, children – all of this is the anarchists’ fault.
For those who fight as and claim the “A,” a flag without a nation or frontiers, and who are part of the SIXTH—but who really are in the struggle, not just as a fashion or a fad—we have, in addition to an embrace of solidarity, a special request.
Anarchist Compas: We Zapatista men and women aren’t going to blame you for our shortcomings (or lack of imagination), nor are we going to hold you responsible for our mistakes, much less persecute you for being who you are. Actually, I should tell you that various invitees to the August course cancelled because, they said, they couldn’t share the classroom with “young people who are anarchist, ragged, punk, pierced, and tattoo-covered,” and that they (those who are not young, nor anarchist, nor ragged, nor punk, nor pierced, nor tattoo-covered) expected an apology and a purging of the registry. They continue to wait in vain.
What we would like to request is that when you register, you submit a text, maximum one-page in length, where you respond to the criticism and accusations that they have leveled against you in the for-profit media. That text will be published in a special section of our website (enlacezapatista.ezln.org.mx) and in a magazine-fanzine-or-whatever-it’s-called soon to appear in the globally global world, written and run by indigenous Zapatistas. It will be an honor for us to have your word together with ours in our first issue.
Huh?
Yes, even a page with a single word taking up the whole space counts: something like “LIARS!!” Or something longer, such as “We would explain to you what Anarchism is if we thought you would understand;” or, “Anarchism is incomprehensible to those with little brains;” or, “Real change first appears in the police blotter;” or, “I shit on the thought police;” or the following citation from the book “Golpe y contragolpe” by Miguel Amorós: “Everyone should know that the Black Bloc is not an organization but a tactic of street struggle similar to “Street Fighting [Kale Baroka] that a constellation of libertarian, “autonomous” or alternative groups have been using since the struggles for the squats (“okupations”) in the 1980s in various German cities,” and add something like, “if you are going to criticize something, first do your research. Well-written ignorance is like well-pronounced idiocy: equally useless.”
In any case, I’m sure that you won’t be lacking in ideas.
THIRD – Some not-so-bad-news: a reminder of the dates and how to request your invitation and registration code.
Dates for the second round of the Little School:
Registration: December 23rd and 24th, 2013.
Classes: from December 25th until December 29th of this year. Return on the 30th.
For those who want to stay for the 20th anniversary of the Zapatista uprising, to celebrate and commemorate the dawn of January 1st, 1994, the party will be on December 31st and January 1st.
Dates for the third round of the Little School:
Registration: January 1st and 2nd, 2014.
Classes: from January 3rd through 7th, 2014. Return on January 8th, 2013, everybody back to their corners of the world.
To request your invitation and registration, send an email to: escuelitazapDicEne13_14@ezln.org.mx
FOURTH – More not-so-bad-news is that I was going to begin this phase with a very different text, saluting our dead, SubPedro, Tata Juan Chávez, Chapis, the children of the ABC daycare, the teachers in resistance, and also with a story by Durito and the Cat-dog. But they told me that this business about the accounts and the finalization of the dates was urgent, so it will have to wait for another time. As you can see, the urgent leaves no time for the important. And so you have escaped reading about things that are not “significant-for-the-present-conjuncture”…for now.
Vale. Cheers and, believe it or not, the world is bigger than the most scandalous media conglomerate. It is a question of broadening the step, the gaze, the sound…and the embrace.
From the mountains of the Mexican Southeast,
SupMarcos
Little School Concierge, in charge of giving bad news.
Mexico, November 2013
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Listen to and watch the videos that accompany this text:
http://enlacezapatista.ezln.org.mx/2013/11/05/the-bad-and-not-so-bad-news/
Keny Arkana with this rap titled “V pour Verités.” In one part he says, “Blessed are those who stand up for something, those who construct something else.”
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A clip from the movie “V for Vendetta” about the relationship between the media and obedience, and another way of understanding the words “justice” and “liberty.”
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Pedro Infante with the song “I am who I am” by Manuel Esperón and Felibe Bermejo, in the movie “The Third Word” with Marga López, Sara García, and Prudencia Grifell, 1955, directed by Julián Soler. I’m including this one just to piss off those who want to make us do things their way.
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[i] Translators’ note: The reference here is to Andrés Manuel Lopez Obrador, ex PRD politician (former Mexico City mayor and PRD presidential candidate) and now leader of MORENA, the “National Regeneration Movement.”
[ii] Translators’ note: The “arbitrary imposition” refers to the installation of PRI candidate Enrique Peña Nieto as president in 2012 in what was widely denounced as a fraudulent election. The “dialogue and negotiation” refers to Peña Nieto’s initiative for an agreement or “pact” between the three major political parties in Mexico, the PRI, PAN, and PRD, regarding how best to roll out the latest round of privatizations.
Hiding Mexico’s Dead: drug war deaths go underreported in the US media
By: Mary Ann Tenuto Sánchez*
It is essential that we understand the United States Drug War policy for exactly what it is: a tool for social control and repression. In the United States, the Drug War has been used against people of color, migrants, legal immigrants and activists. It is now a large contributor to the overcrowding of criminal courts, local jails and the flourishing prison-industrial complex, at a cost to the taxpayer of billions of dollars. It has also been used to pressure Latin American governments and support deadly “Drug Wars” in Colombia and, currently, in Mexico, the latter of which is spilling over into Central America. Consequently, many of us have reason for wanting to end this repressive policy. This is written with the hope that we can get together and find ways to end it.
As a member of a Zapatista solidarity group, my focus is on Mexico. I am alarmed at what’s happening in Mexico as a result of the US-backed “Drug War.” Each day I read the Mexican online media closely for news about the Zapatistas, Sexta adherents and social movements (those from below). While doing so, I am hit over the head with the daily horror that is called a Drug War and its underreporting in the United States.
Perhaps the most frustrating thing about following news about the so-called “Drug War” in Mexico is obtaining accurate information on the approximate number of deaths that have resulted from it. The Mexican president and his cabinet officials want to hide or minimize the violence, so they do not publicize accurate numbers of dead. In the United States, the Obama administration, like the Bush administration, seems to be head over heels in love with the Drug War (they say it’s a “security” issue), but they also want to hide its horrors. Consequently, misinformation abounds! Journalists, especially in the US, tend to simply repeat what someone else has written without any explanation of how the numbers were calculated.
Molly Molloy shares this frustration. Molloy is a research librarian and Border and Latin American specialist at the New Mexico State University Library in Las Cruces, NM. She is the creator and editor of the Frontera List, a forum for news and discussion of border issues. Since 2008 she has provided detailed documentation of homicides in Mexico, with an emphasis on Ciudad Juarez. She translated and co-edited El Sicario: The Autobiography of a Mexican Assassin (Nation Books, 2011) and has written for The Nation, Phoenix New Times, Narco News and other publications.
One of the many examples of media misinformation about Mexico’s “Drug War” comes from none other than the Council on Foreign Relations, which published a February 13, 2013 video using the number of 50, 000 deaths without saying how it arrived at that number. [1] Just a few months prior to that, Molloy was reporting 110, 000 deaths! [2] Underreporting Mexico’s drug war death toll minimizes the urgency of the situation and does a disservice to the unreported victims!
While acknowledging that a precise number is impossible to calculate, there are official statistics and news reports available that provide guidance. Molloy spells out her sources and methodology in a recent article published in the online Small Wars Journal. Entitled The Mexican Undead: Toward a New History of the “Drug War” Killing Fields, [3] the article begins, in part, with the following words:
“Power in Mexico works as a system of arrangements between government, business and narco-trafficking. The drug business has functioned pretty well for decades, generating huge sums of money and funneling it into government and legitimate businesses. Violence was always part of its corporate culture as there is no way to enforce contracts in the drug business without murder. For years this level of violence seemed acceptable to those in power. Starting in December 2006, President Calderón deployed the army, and lethal violence in Mexico exploded. He said he was fighting drug trafficking, but the flow of drugs and money continues unimpeded. In 2010, Calderón said it was not exactly a war on drugs, but rather a crusade for public safety. There is evidence of social cleansing aimed at those deemed worthless to society: los malandros. At least 130, 000 Mexicans have been killed and kidnapping, extortion and murder plague civil society at all socio-economic levels.” [Emphasis added.]
Molloy explains her methodology in that article. It includes using figures on intentional homicides from INEGI, Mexico’s National Institute of Statistics and Geography. She also looks at statistics reported by the National System of Public Security. In order to separate out intentional homicides due to domestic violence, armed robberies or land disputes from those committed as a result of the Drug War, statistics from the years prior to the Drug War are compared to those after the Drug War began. Molloy cites a result similar to hers from the Trans-Border Institute (TBI), University of San Diego. [4] The TBI report states: “ … our estimate is that the total number of homicides during the Calderón administration was likely around 120,000 to 125,000 people killed, depending on whether the INEGI data or the National System of Public Security data are used.”
Forced disappearances
Molloy’s article also addresses other Drug War-related issues; such as, forced disappearances, death squads, torture, the collusion between government and organized crime, and the impunity with which these crimes take place. She publishes the government’s official number of those forcibly disappeared, which is placed at approximately 27,000, and also gives examples of death squads, torture, the government’s collusion with organized crime and the near total impunity of the perpetrators. And, she wonders why none of this is accurately reported in the US media, citing many examples of under-reporting. Although Molloy does not address the issue of the tens of thousands of Mexicans displaced from their homes and communities by the violence, she does introduce the issue of what she calls “social cleansing” through several examples from the Juárez area. Those being “cleansed” are often the folks she terms “los malandros,” which very loosely could be translated into “the riffraff,” or in Zapatista-speak: those from below (los de abajo).
How the Zapatistas see the war
In a March 2011 letter exchange between Subcomandante Marcos of the EZLN and the Mexican philosopher Luis Villoro, [5] Marcos discusses war in general. He says the bottom line of any war is control of territory! Marcos reviews a history of wars and says that nuclear weapons have changed the nature of wars from the World Wars in the first half of the 20th Century to regional or smaller wars, whereby a stronger force dominates a weaker one and the communications media legitimize the rational for the domination.
In reference to the current war in Mexico (“The war from above”), domination is the imposition of capitalism’s will. “In the current era, the will that capitalism attempts to impose is to destroy/depopulate and reconstruct/reorder the conquered territory.”
“Yes, war today is not content to conquer a territory and demand tribute from the defeated force. In the current era of capitalism it is necessary to destroy the conquered territory and depopulate it, that is, destroy its social fabric. I am speaking here of the annihilation of everything that gives cohesion to a society.” Marcos believes that the United States is the one that will benefit from the Drug War because Mexico’s social fabric will be destroyed.
What we are witnessing is not really a war on drugs; it is the militarization of Mexico in order to clear the way for transnational capital to accumulate wealth via mining, mono-crop agriculture and real estate development, all of which involve the displacement of people. Thus, it is a war against people. As Marcos points out: “We have said before that war is inherent to capitalism and that the struggle for peace is anticapitalist.”
Let’s End the Drug War in the US and in Latin America
The thought of the US government supporting a war that is killing approximately 130,000 people in a neighboring country with which we share a 2,000-mile border, forcibly disappearing at least 27,000 (they are all presumed dead), and displacing tens of thousands, perhaps hundreds of thousands, offends my sense of social justice, as does the mass incarceration of people of color in the United States. Underreporting hides the human tragedy caused by this deadly war. Ya basta! (Enough!) It is my hope that the groups, collectives and organizations that represent people affected by this repressive policy can work together to end it both at home and abroad and that we can all use numbers that truly represent the tragedy both here at home and in Latin America, where Mexico is the largest current victim.
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* Mary Ann Tenuto Sánchez compiles the monthly Zapatista News Summary for the Chiapas Support Committee. The News Summary is distributed to the group’s information list, Facebook page and Compañero Manuel blog. She is also a member of the Latin America Solidarity Coalition (LASC) Drug War Working Group.
Author’s Notes
2.http://www.miaminewtimes.com/2012-07-26/news/mexico-s-magical-homicides/
4. The Justice in Mexico Project Releases its Report “Drug Violence in Mexico: Data and Analysis Through 2012,” February 5, 2013. http://justiceinmexico.org/2013/02/05/the-justice-in-mexico-project-releases-its-report-drug-violence-in-mexico-data-and-analysis-through-2012/
5. http://www.elkilombo.org/letter-from-subcomandante-insurgente-marcos-to-luis-villoro-on-war/
Contact information
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Chiapas Support Committee/Comité de Apoyo a Chiapas
P.O. Box 3421, Oakland, CA 94609
Email: cezmat@igc.org
http://www.facebook.com/pages/Chiapas-Support-Committee-Oakland/
https://compamanuel.wordpress.com